http://www.nepalnews.com.np/archive/2007/others/guestcolumn/may/guest_columns_08.php
From smuggling to criminal activities, extortions and terrorism, Nepal’s southern border has been facing all kinds of destabilizing activities
By KESHAB POUDEL
Cadres of Jwala Singh-led Jantantrik Terai Morcha traded gunfire with security personnel at Sitlapur Barganiya village development committee Rautahat, close to Indian border - The Himalayan Times (May 14, 2007)
Five members of a family were injured when a group of dacoits attacked them at Miguliya VDC in Morang district - Kantipur (May 13)
There were celebrations in Birgunj when one of the dreaded criminals Chhotelal Sahani was killed in India. Sahani was extorting money and kidnapping Nepalese businessmen from across the border in India. (Gorkhapatra May 10)
An engineer of district road office Navaraj Bista was shot dead by Terai Jantantrick Mukti Morcha (Goit) in Lahan and they kidnapped two others. (Kantipur May 12)
Ajaya Yadav, district president of Jwala Singh, was shot dead by Goit group in Rautahat district. Similarly, an unidentified gunman killed 23 years old Dilip Raya in Sarlahi.
Proprietor of a medical store in Bara, Hridaya Narayan Yadav who was abducted by an unidentified group on April, fled from the clutches of the kidnappers from unknown location in India. (The Himalayan Times May 15)
More than nine tons of red sandalwood was discovered in Swayambhu. In Imadole of Lalitpur, over ten tons of red sandalwood was seized. The smuggling of sandalwood is reportedly carried out from Indian state of Andhra Pradesh to smuggle to Tibet.
After upsurge of smuggling activities in border, chief district officer of Morang constituted five members coordination committee. According to Chief District Officer, everything is coming from Indian border to Nepal. (Annapurna Post May 13)
A group of Maoists were detained in Nautunwa when they were traveling to Gorakhpur, India carrying Maoist literature. (Nepal Samacharpatra).
These are some sporadic news coming out in major newspapers from Nepal’s southern terai. One can read these kinds of news every day in various newspapers. From robbery to act of terrorism, extortion and kidnapping, such things have become commonplace in Nepal’s southern border and plain areas.
Incidents of killings, extortions, rapes and heinous crimes of this nature have become everyday news in the country. It is said that this upsurge is for liberation of suppressed populating in Madhes, which is in the south of Nepal. Some times it is seen as an ethnic cleansing against the population of hill but the violence has no border and no identity as a race or the region.
Lots of Madhesis many of whom are supposed to be of the Indian origin are also facing same kinds of cruelties and kidnappings along with the population of hilly origin. “The open border between Nepal and India has been one of the main contributing factors to the increasing magnitude of international migration. Illegal trade associated with free movement of people across the border has been a matter of grave concern for both countries. It is therefore necessary to regulate the movement of people along the border between Nepal and India,” late Dr. Harka Gurung had recommended in his study on internal and international migration.
After the atrocities and destructions unleashed by one decade long Maoist insurgency, all had expected that peace had come to Nepal and it would prevail. Sadly, this is not turning out so.
“After a series of arguments and discussions, ultimately, Maoists have procured substantial share in parliament of nominated persons as well as in the government. Soon after the announcement of the end of insurgency by arrangement of interim constitution on January 15, another phase of violence has erupted as a bolt from the blue. Nobody had any apprehension that a new kind of violence and insurgency would erupt in whole of southern belt of Nepal under several leadership with similar motto. All are preaching violence, extortion, kidnapping and crimes of these natures,” said a political analyst.
Beside various criminal groups, Madheshi Tiger, Terai Cobra, Jantantrik Terai Mukti Morcha - Goit and Jawala Singh, Chure Bhawar Ekata Samaj, Nepal Defense Army (a religious group more active in Birgunj), Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, Terai Army (which owned up the responsibility for exploding a bomb in Chandranigahapur of Rautahat on May 14 injuring 14 persons), TM Don Group (active in far western terai region) have been launching violent activities.
“Outwardly, it does not seem like calculated and coordinated terror. But whatever general idea one has about the method of terrorism as a weapon of extracting concessions from a regime, is clearly seen in this situation. This is a completely new experience of terrorism for Nepalis,” said the analyst.
A veteran Indian journalist Rajinder Puri describes the situation as, “The silent cooperation between terrorist groups with diverse aims.” The inference is that these groups function under a central command. In his recent write-up in The Statesman regarding terrorism in India, Puri writes, “Broadly there are three kinds of terrorists. The dupes who believe in a cause and are the cannon fodder for terrorism; the criminals who take to extortion, murder and rape under protection of political banner; finally there are the few moles that are aware of hidden agenda of their masters. The hidden agenda of terrorism here is to destabilize and weaken India.”
What Puri diagnosed in Indian condition is as much appropriate in the case of Nepal. Nepal has been suffering from the curse of terrorism since a decade. Now a new dimension has been added in this crisis under the garb of regionalism, ethnicity, religion and language.
The country was supposed to have a lasting peace to get rid of poverty and illiteracy and usher a new Nepal- a credible Nepal.
“All didn’t share that kind of wishful thinking and day dreaming. The root cause of one decade long terrorism was not at all any upsurge of any ideology and noble ideals. It was an outcome of disguised conflict based upon strategic interest of broader dimensions. The new phase of political instability and rampant lawlessness and violence is the continuation of the same design under new facets and jargons. What veteran Indian journalist Rajinder Puri in his recent article in The Statesman ‘Anatomy of Terror’ had explained is not only the problem with India. All neighbors of India suffer from almost similar problems,” said the analyst.
Nepal had very peaceful borders with its neighbors in the past which is now a matter of history. It has two most powerful neighbors both economically and militarily powerful compared to which no security arrangements of Nepal can effectively insulate troubles from across the border. During the past one decade, slowly and gradually, Nepali border with the south became very fragile and uncontrolled as most of the police posts and check points were destroyed and devastated by Maoists. Although an effort was made to restore them following the ceasefire, last Madhesi uprising again devastated it.
The situation is now that there are virtually no police post and custom office in the Nepalese side of border where any element can come and go without any identification.
“We will take necessary steps to strengthen the security in terai. The government will prepare a log term security plan for terai,”said Home Minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula.
According to the analyst, when Nepal was being burned by Maoists, all prominent Maoists leaders had enjoyed safe haven in India - which is an open secret now. Even Maoist leaders who have returned back to Nepal have revealed as much.
In the last few months after the upsurge of new violence under the name of Madhesis, Maoist cadres have become the first target. What happened in Gaur in March was quite cruel and dreadful.
“After all what all these great games are gaining on at the cost of lives of the common people and their peace and self respect. One need not go far away to find a clear perception of this crisis,” said the analyst. “There are some respectable columnists who have expressed their anguish while analyzing the violence of Nepal.”
Swapan Das Gupta, in Pioneer (29 May 2005), had long backed this view when he stated, “However, that does not gave it right to undertake a covert war in Nepal. How is this any different from the operation mounted by Pakistan, in Jammu and Kashmir and north India?”
“In one stroke, heads of intelligence service and the MEA have demolished ethical grounds of India’s diplomacy. We too are guilty of encouraging terrorists and acknowledging them as freedom fighters,” writes Gupta.
“These are some highly sensible and respectable Indians analysts who see troubles in Nepal as an outcome of a covert operation to promote an ulterior interest which is unethical and in the long run counter productive to them,” said the analyst.
In his recent article in Indian Defense Review, its editor Bharat Verma writes,” By humiliating its national army and making them surrender their weapons, Koirala government has opened itself to Maoist blackmail. It is a matter of time before the gun-wielding Maoists throw Koirala and rag -tag liberal political parties out of power. In terms of Indian foreign policy, it is blunder of epic proportions. The stark question is, if New Delhi cannot handle Nepal then what exactly can it do?”
A peaceful neighbor is the best guarantee of one’s security. Destruction in the neighborhood ultimately engulfs key players, too.
“ Nepal is not an isolated case in crisis rather it is more orderly and peaceful than any other smaller country of this region. Nepal has open and unguarded border due to which any disorder and violence in Nepal may ultimately spill away beyond its territory. It will be too late if the border with Nepal is kept unsafe and unguarded as it is at present – despite a huge deployment of Indian paramilitary border force SSB and all security system in the Indian side of border,” said the analyst.
The SSB came into the limelight for the first time through a report in Times of India supplement in 30 August 2001 soon after the Royal Palace massacre in Nepal. That dispatch reveals that it was created to use for subversive and clandestine activities deep within the Tibet. As the relations between India and China had improved, it was withdrawn from that task and deputed into a new task of guarding India’s border with Nepal against the ISI’s threat.
“After its deployment, there has not been any sensational news in the Indian press regarding ISI activities from Nepal’s border. But since then Nepal itself had become much more disturbed and chaotic in many respect,” observes the analyst.
“Now the question is of the statesmanship from big neighbor who could see that the border between the two countries is guarded properly and convincingly. Politicians in a democratic order are accountable to the people as well as their representatives. Therefore, they have to prevail over all kinds of administrative and security agencies,” said the analyst.
Courtesy : Spotlight
Sunday, May 20, 2007
'India is located in tough neighbourhood'
K Anurag in Guwahati
http://www.rediff.com/news/2007/may/17uk1.htm
May 17, 2007 19:23 IST
The United Kingdom seeks cooperation with India in fighting terrorism even as it reiterated its support to India's claim for a permanent membership in the United Nation's Security Council.
Britain's Minister of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs Kim Howells, who was in Guwahati to inaugurate the British Information Centre for the North East India on Thursday, said, "We are facing with similar problem of terrorism and we will benefit from sustained sharing of information and intelligence in fighting the menace of terrorism."
Howells pointed out that India was located in a 'tough neighbourhood.'
"India is surrounded with countries with great problems. If those states transform into failed nations, it will pose a threat not only for India but the entire world. India has already suffered much due to the confusion in Kashmir, problems in Afghanistan and Taliban movement along the border with Pakistan," he added.
In response to a question whether Britain will put pressure on Bangladesh and Myanmar to respond to India's request for eviction of North East Indian militants' camps in those countries, Howells said the interim government in Bangladesh had shown positive attitude in this respect.
He hoped that the new government that will be installed in Bangladesh after elections will continue with the attitude of the interim government.
Regarding Myanmar, however, Howells said, "Britain has poor relations with Myanmar due to the tyrannical rule in the country. They treat their own people in a very brutal manner and Britain can never support it."
He said killing of innocent people in conflict-ridden North East India should stop and that his government was extending cooperation to New Delhi to tackle the situation.
"India shares borders with countries like Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nepal and Bhutan. It should share any information of suspicious movement of terrorists in those countries in the interest of global security," Howells said.
http://www.rediff.com/news/2007/may/17uk1.htm
May 17, 2007 19:23 IST
The United Kingdom seeks cooperation with India in fighting terrorism even as it reiterated its support to India's claim for a permanent membership in the United Nation's Security Council.
Britain's Minister of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs Kim Howells, who was in Guwahati to inaugurate the British Information Centre for the North East India on Thursday, said, "We are facing with similar problem of terrorism and we will benefit from sustained sharing of information and intelligence in fighting the menace of terrorism."
Howells pointed out that India was located in a 'tough neighbourhood.'
"India is surrounded with countries with great problems. If those states transform into failed nations, it will pose a threat not only for India but the entire world. India has already suffered much due to the confusion in Kashmir, problems in Afghanistan and Taliban movement along the border with Pakistan," he added.
In response to a question whether Britain will put pressure on Bangladesh and Myanmar to respond to India's request for eviction of North East Indian militants' camps in those countries, Howells said the interim government in Bangladesh had shown positive attitude in this respect.
He hoped that the new government that will be installed in Bangladesh after elections will continue with the attitude of the interim government.
Regarding Myanmar, however, Howells said, "Britain has poor relations with Myanmar due to the tyrannical rule in the country. They treat their own people in a very brutal manner and Britain can never support it."
He said killing of innocent people in conflict-ridden North East India should stop and that his government was extending cooperation to New Delhi to tackle the situation.
"India shares borders with countries like Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nepal and Bhutan. It should share any information of suspicious movement of terrorists in those countries in the interest of global security," Howells said.
India objects to Kashmir reference in Islamabad declaration of ICFM
http://www.newkerala.com/news5.php?action=fullnews&id=30595
New Delhi, May 17 : India has objected to the reference of Kashmir in the Islamabad Declaration of the Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers (ICFM) that was adopted on Thursday.
"We note with regret that the Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers (ICFM) has once again chosen to comment upon Jammu and Kashmir in the Islamabad Declaration adopted by the ICFM," official spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs said here today.
"Jammu and Kashmir is an integral part of India and the OIC has no locus standi in matters concerning India's internal affairs. We reject all such references or resolutions on Jammu & Kashmir," the spokesperson added.
The annual meeting of foreign ministers of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) today ended in Islamabad calling for greater social and economic development of its 57 member countries, and tackling the growing 'Islamaphobia' in the world.
The declaration stated that the conference was committed to defend the Muslim world's major causes, in a range of world conflicts, from the Middle East to Somalia to Afghanistan to Jammu and Kashmir.
The Contact Group of Organisation of Islamic Conference - on Kashmir, which met under the auspices of the ICFM on Wednesday, expressed its full support for the right to self-determination of Kashmiri people.
New Delhi, May 17 : India has objected to the reference of Kashmir in the Islamabad Declaration of the Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers (ICFM) that was adopted on Thursday.
"We note with regret that the Islamic Conference of Foreign Ministers (ICFM) has once again chosen to comment upon Jammu and Kashmir in the Islamabad Declaration adopted by the ICFM," official spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs said here today.
"Jammu and Kashmir is an integral part of India and the OIC has no locus standi in matters concerning India's internal affairs. We reject all such references or resolutions on Jammu & Kashmir," the spokesperson added.
The annual meeting of foreign ministers of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) today ended in Islamabad calling for greater social and economic development of its 57 member countries, and tackling the growing 'Islamaphobia' in the world.
The declaration stated that the conference was committed to defend the Muslim world's major causes, in a range of world conflicts, from the Middle East to Somalia to Afghanistan to Jammu and Kashmir.
The Contact Group of Organisation of Islamic Conference - on Kashmir, which met under the auspices of the ICFM on Wednesday, expressed its full support for the right to self-determination of Kashmiri people.
Pak need not suspect US ties with India: American scholar
Islamabad, May 20 (ANI): A senior fellow for US Foreign Policy at Brookings Institution and a former director of European Affairs at National Security Council under US President Bill Clinton has said that Pakistan should not suspect Washington's growing relations between India.
Dr. Philip Gordon said that ties between the U.S. and India should be simply seen as America wanting to be a friend to the world's biggest democracy and having access and exposure to the important South Asian free market.
Speaking at a roundtable here, Gordon was quoted by the Dawn as saying that, "It is in America's own interests to have good relations with such a free market. It does not mean we give preference to India over Pakistan, but the US foreign policy can't revolve merely around a single country no matter how important that country is."
He also claimed that many people in Pakistan looked at the present India-US relations with glasses of religion and consider it as America's anti-Islam agenda, which was wrong.
Such an impression could not be substantiated as the war on terror had nothing to do with Islam as religion, he added.
Replying to a question on the Taliban, Gordon said the Taliban could not be termed as representatives of Pakhtuns and giving them any chance to re- emerge would not only put the security of the region at risk but, in fact, the whole world at risk.
"The Taliban have been tested in Afghanistan and, we have seen how regressive such people could be when in power. We had tried our best to separate Taliban from the Al-Qaeda but it proved futile," he observed.
http://in.news.yahoo.com/070520/139/6g0la.html
By ANI Sunday May 20, 12:46 PM
Ironically, none of the dozen veteran diplomats who had gathered around a huge wooden table could convince Dr Gordon that Taliban were a legitimate part of Afghan crisis.
Explaining US policy towards Iran, Dr. Gordon said that a nuclear Iran was a threat to its neighbours and could put the whole region into a race for nuclear technology. Iran could even transfer its nuclear technology to its neighbours.
He said the US was against the proposed Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) gas pipeline because of the designs of Iran to become a nuclear power, which, if materialised, could destabilise the whole region.
The US still saw Pakistan as a vital partner in the War on Terror and wanted long-term relations with it, he said. (ANI)
Dr. Philip Gordon said that ties between the U.S. and India should be simply seen as America wanting to be a friend to the world's biggest democracy and having access and exposure to the important South Asian free market.
Speaking at a roundtable here, Gordon was quoted by the Dawn as saying that, "It is in America's own interests to have good relations with such a free market. It does not mean we give preference to India over Pakistan, but the US foreign policy can't revolve merely around a single country no matter how important that country is."
He also claimed that many people in Pakistan looked at the present India-US relations with glasses of religion and consider it as America's anti-Islam agenda, which was wrong.
Such an impression could not be substantiated as the war on terror had nothing to do with Islam as religion, he added.
Replying to a question on the Taliban, Gordon said the Taliban could not be termed as representatives of Pakhtuns and giving them any chance to re- emerge would not only put the security of the region at risk but, in fact, the whole world at risk.
"The Taliban have been tested in Afghanistan and, we have seen how regressive such people could be when in power. We had tried our best to separate Taliban from the Al-Qaeda but it proved futile," he observed.
http://in.news.yahoo.com/070520/139/6g0la.html
By ANI Sunday May 20, 12:46 PM
Ironically, none of the dozen veteran diplomats who had gathered around a huge wooden table could convince Dr Gordon that Taliban were a legitimate part of Afghan crisis.
Explaining US policy towards Iran, Dr. Gordon said that a nuclear Iran was a threat to its neighbours and could put the whole region into a race for nuclear technology. Iran could even transfer its nuclear technology to its neighbours.
He said the US was against the proposed Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) gas pipeline because of the designs of Iran to become a nuclear power, which, if materialised, could destabilise the whole region.
The US still saw Pakistan as a vital partner in the War on Terror and wanted long-term relations with it, he said. (ANI)
Appeal for peace in South Asia
Feb 1, 2000, 18:57
http://www.tamileelamnews.com/news/publish/tns_6357.shtml
In a joint statement issued by the participants for the South Asian countries who attended the Neelan Tiruchelvam Commemoration Program in Colombo have made an urgent appeal to the leaders of India and Pakistan to take decisive measures to defuse the tensions before it is too late and to revive the Lahore process so that both Indian and Pakistan along with other South Asian neighbours march together building a vibrant and prosperous south Asian community.
The first signatory of the statement is a former Indian Prime Minister I. K. Gujral. Several other prominent personalities from Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and India have also signed the statement.
Excerpts from the statement are given below:
At the 1999 Lahore Summit, the Prime Ministers of India and Pakistan initiated a process for peace and co-operation. They demonstrated their political commitment to transcend the burden of their tension ridden relations of the pass fifty years.
The people of both countries and indeed of all South Asian countries were heartened by the historic development and perceived that a new dawn of hope and harmony will usher in the new era of prosperity and well being. Within less than a year the vision for a better and peaceful future has become a distant dream. Peace is once again in peril in the subcontinent raising grave apprehension of the imminent danger of outbreaks of armed conflict between India and Pakistan. Such a path will result in unimaginable human and material destruction not only in the two neighbouring countries but also in the entire region.
South Asia is already marginalized in the world community and an armed conflict will only retard ,if not reverse even the faint hope of the South Asian people , who constitute one-fifth of the total world population, to respond to the challenges of the emerging interdependent and globalized world community.
Time has come for South Asia to make a critical choice between war and peace, destruction and development, poverty and prosperity.
Therefore, we the participants for the South Asian countries who have assembled in Colombo to honour the memory of a colleague who sacrificed his life for peace, make an earnest appeal to the leaders of India and Pakistan to take urgent and decisive measures to defuse the tensions before it is too late and to revive the Lahore process.
http://www.tamileelamnews.com/news/publish/tns_6357.shtml
In a joint statement issued by the participants for the South Asian countries who attended the Neelan Tiruchelvam Commemoration Program in Colombo have made an urgent appeal to the leaders of India and Pakistan to take decisive measures to defuse the tensions before it is too late and to revive the Lahore process so that both Indian and Pakistan along with other South Asian neighbours march together building a vibrant and prosperous south Asian community.
The first signatory of the statement is a former Indian Prime Minister I. K. Gujral. Several other prominent personalities from Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and India have also signed the statement.
Excerpts from the statement are given below:
At the 1999 Lahore Summit, the Prime Ministers of India and Pakistan initiated a process for peace and co-operation. They demonstrated their political commitment to transcend the burden of their tension ridden relations of the pass fifty years.
The people of both countries and indeed of all South Asian countries were heartened by the historic development and perceived that a new dawn of hope and harmony will usher in the new era of prosperity and well being. Within less than a year the vision for a better and peaceful future has become a distant dream. Peace is once again in peril in the subcontinent raising grave apprehension of the imminent danger of outbreaks of armed conflict between India and Pakistan. Such a path will result in unimaginable human and material destruction not only in the two neighbouring countries but also in the entire region.
South Asia is already marginalized in the world community and an armed conflict will only retard ,if not reverse even the faint hope of the South Asian people , who constitute one-fifth of the total world population, to respond to the challenges of the emerging interdependent and globalized world community.
Time has come for South Asia to make a critical choice between war and peace, destruction and development, poverty and prosperity.
Therefore, we the participants for the South Asian countries who have assembled in Colombo to honour the memory of a colleague who sacrificed his life for peace, make an earnest appeal to the leaders of India and Pakistan to take urgent and decisive measures to defuse the tensions before it is too late and to revive the Lahore process.
'World bank can now refocus on poverty in South Asia'
IANS[ SATURDAY, MAY 19, 2007 12:00:07 PM]
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/International__Business/World_bank_can_now_refocus_on_poverty_in_South_Asia/articleshow/2061169.cms
WASHINGTON: The resignation of World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz would help the institution battered by a crisis of governance to resume the battle against poverty in South Asia, according to a senior bank official.
"The World Bank is an institution committed to helping developing countries in the battle against poverty," Praful Patel, Vice President, South Asia Region said Friday.
"For over a month - while our work has continued strongly - the institution has been battered by a crisis of governance. The decision that has been reached to make space for new Bank leadership allows us to draw a deep breath and return our full attention to continuing the development work at hand," he stated.
Never before have the countries of South Asia had such a great opportunity to end mass poverty, he said. Reforms have resulted in over a decade of sustained growth which in turn has opened new pathways for South Asia to accelerate growth to new highs of 8 to 10 percent.
"Reducing poverty on this scale is a huge challenge which will also require deep progress in human development; it will require that all South Asian citizens have a chance to improve their lives irrespective of gender or caste or religion," Patel said.
"It will require massive investments in infrastructure and improvements in the investment climate. And as the World Bank itself has experienced these past painful weeks, it will require a vigilance over the systems of governance that we all have in place, whether we be institutions like the Bank or nation states," he said.
"The Bank's governance system has allowed us to reach a resolution to the crisis we faced but it has also challenged us to make improvements. The system has been stress tested and we now know we can do better," Patel said.
Similarly in countries, the systems that are put in place to govern expenditures, to ensure transparent human resources policies, to manage power in ways which do not give favour to some and exclude others, are all questions of good governance, Patel said.
"While government partners welcome our advice on how to manage procurement well, on how to ensure sound financial checks and balances, there are sometimes sensitivities. We hope that by sharing global good practices we can demonstrate the advantages of transparent government."
"The messy nature of our own governance crisis these past weeks has humbled us by how difficult it is to always get this right; and it has convinced us how necessary it is to try," he said.
As a development partner the Bank engaged the countries of South Asia on issues key to their development agendas. And as a global institution it also bring shared experience on challenges like HIV/Aids, on avian flu, on finding ways to mitigate the effects of climate change.
"We have heard much recently from both critics and supporters of the Bank and its development work. We welcome both for this is not a simple business with easy solutions," Patel said.
"We are a small player, along with many partners, in the face of enormous global challenges and in the aftermath of our own governance crisis, we recommit ourselves to the work of South Asia and the wider world," the official said.
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/International__Business/World_bank_can_now_refocus_on_poverty_in_South_Asia/articleshow/2061169.cms
WASHINGTON: The resignation of World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz would help the institution battered by a crisis of governance to resume the battle against poverty in South Asia, according to a senior bank official.
"The World Bank is an institution committed to helping developing countries in the battle against poverty," Praful Patel, Vice President, South Asia Region said Friday.
"For over a month - while our work has continued strongly - the institution has been battered by a crisis of governance. The decision that has been reached to make space for new Bank leadership allows us to draw a deep breath and return our full attention to continuing the development work at hand," he stated.
Never before have the countries of South Asia had such a great opportunity to end mass poverty, he said. Reforms have resulted in over a decade of sustained growth which in turn has opened new pathways for South Asia to accelerate growth to new highs of 8 to 10 percent.
"Reducing poverty on this scale is a huge challenge which will also require deep progress in human development; it will require that all South Asian citizens have a chance to improve their lives irrespective of gender or caste or religion," Patel said.
"It will require massive investments in infrastructure and improvements in the investment climate. And as the World Bank itself has experienced these past painful weeks, it will require a vigilance over the systems of governance that we all have in place, whether we be institutions like the Bank or nation states," he said.
"The Bank's governance system has allowed us to reach a resolution to the crisis we faced but it has also challenged us to make improvements. The system has been stress tested and we now know we can do better," Patel said.
Similarly in countries, the systems that are put in place to govern expenditures, to ensure transparent human resources policies, to manage power in ways which do not give favour to some and exclude others, are all questions of good governance, Patel said.
"While government partners welcome our advice on how to manage procurement well, on how to ensure sound financial checks and balances, there are sometimes sensitivities. We hope that by sharing global good practices we can demonstrate the advantages of transparent government."
"The messy nature of our own governance crisis these past weeks has humbled us by how difficult it is to always get this right; and it has convinced us how necessary it is to try," he said.
As a development partner the Bank engaged the countries of South Asia on issues key to their development agendas. And as a global institution it also bring shared experience on challenges like HIV/Aids, on avian flu, on finding ways to mitigate the effects of climate change.
"We have heard much recently from both critics and supporters of the Bank and its development work. We welcome both for this is not a simple business with easy solutions," Patel said.
"We are a small player, along with many partners, in the face of enormous global challenges and in the aftermath of our own governance crisis, we recommit ourselves to the work of South Asia and the wider world," the official said.
Tuesday, May 1, 2007
India-Pakistan relations in a changing world
VIEW:—Dr Ayesha Siddiqa
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2007%5C04%5C30%5Cstory_30-4-2007_pg3_2
Monday, April 30, 2007
Although India has a long way to go in perfecting the Cold Start concept, the model does change the military-strategic scene and poses the question to Pakistan regarding signalling to India about its threshold in response to the latter’s new military doctrine
General Pervez Musharraf has hailed Indian prime minister Manmohan Singh’s recent statement about a plan to divide the Indian-held Kashmir into three parts as recognition of Pakistan’s proposed solution of the dispute. Discussions are already underway regarding a possible de-militarisation (reduction or re-location) of Jammu & Kashmir, which will, hopefully, improve relations between India and Pakistan.
Although the talks are highly secretive, one can already guess that a solution is not likely to involve any territorial adjustments favouring Pakistan. During my two recent visits to Delhi I met a few Kashmiri people who were equally upset with Pakistan for willingly surrendering a claim, which in their view, was never Pakistan’s to decide. However, what the Kashmiris feel is a different issue. More important is the fact that many in Pakistan will also classify a deal as a sell-out.
Whatever might be the perception of the Kashmiris, an administrative-cum-political adjustment on both sides is likely to put an end to the territorial dispute between the two South Asian neighbours. The question, however, is: will the solution naturally result in normalising relations and ushering in a new era of peace and tranquillity between them?
Leaving aside the issue of analysing the rights and wrongs of Islamabad’s approach, it is interesting to evaluate the argument regarding a deal with India as signifying a paradigm shift by the Pakistan army. Many analysts believe this policy indicates the re-structuring of the army’s strategic vision. Is that correct?
From a tactical perspective, a possible deal might not necessarily indicate a policy shift. After all, the Pakistan army has politically conceded more to India than it ever did during a war. Incidentally, territorial concessions were always made after defeat in a war or a major military operation. For instance, the defeat in 1971 led to the Simla agreement. Another situation in which the army has conceded territory to India without fighting for it is in situations when the GHQ Rawalpindi was up till its eyes in politics. The best example is General Zia’s period when India managed to make territorial gains in the Qamar sector without Pakistan really batting an eyelid. It is worth noting that throughout his reign Zia did not really mention Kashmir in his discussions with India.
So, there is nothing queer about General Musharraf willing to write-off the political claim on Kashmir after he had undertaken the Kargil operation. Every time the Pakistan army fights a war on the territory, it realizes that military operations are hardly the way to change the status quo.
Does this mean Pakistan will begin to look at India differently? Will the states and the militaries now consider each other as long-lost distant cousins who must live peacefully? From Pakistan’s perspective, there is no fundamental paradigm shift as far as perception about India goes. The larger neighbour remains an enemy and will continue to be mistrusted.
However, what is different is the appreciation of the changed strategic and geo-political environment. The fact is that since the nuclear tests, and as the two countries negotiate the nuclear CBMs, they realise that a conventional medium-intensity war cannot be fought in the region. Even though both India and Pakistan continue to maintain large armed forces, the fact remains that war in South Asia has changed. This is not the age where two traditional rivals will be able to fight a 10-15 days war or hope to gain territories to be mutually exchanged during peace talks. They cannot even afford to fight wars of direct contestation over territories.
India has announced its future battle plans through its strategy of Cold Start in which the aim will be to remain grouped for a short and swift attack across the boundary to eliminate targets and withdraw rather than taking territory which would then give Pakistan cause to push the nuclear button. The four scenarios given by Lt. General Khalid Kidwai have caught the military-strategic imagination in Delhi even though General Kidwai has often said that he was misunderstood by the two Italian analysts who spoke with him.
Although India has a long way to go in perfecting the Cold Start concept, the model does change the military-strategic scene and poses the question to Pakistan regarding signalling to India about its threshold in response to the latter’s new military doctrine.
Two issues are worth considering; they also seem to point to the fact that what we are witnessing may be are military-strategic adjustments rather than a paradigm shift.
First, since the competition between India and Pakistan is no longer territorial and has become increasingly ideological, the generals in Rawalpindi would like to stress strategic equality. The confusion in the minds of military personnel regarding parity and equality makes them nervous about India’s growing strategic prowess and also motivates them to compete.
What the generals have definitely understood is that a competition will not be possible without building sufficient economic muscle for which they are willing to create ‘controlled’ conditions in the country and the region at large which might make it possible for capital to flow from India as well. However, the movement will have to be select and controlled by the state bureaucracy. It is uncertain that the discussions on trade will eventually lead to a situation where the common people of India and Pakistan will freely build financial stakes in each other’s countries.
Second, Pakistan would like to define or carve out a role for it self in the world not entirely dominated by India. Resolving the Kashmir dispute will not mean that Islamabad will give up the claim over its share of Afghanistan’s geo-politics and Central Asia or not want to play the role as a key between two strategic regions that is the Persian Gulf/Middle East and Central Asia. This statement does not mean that Pakistan is already playing that role or that it will seek to do so through military means alone.
What is being argued is that these two factors are critical to the evolving strategic vision, supposedly in sync with the changing realities of the India-Pakistan bilateral linkage. A power-play between the two rivals on issues not directly impinging on their core interests might be less likely to provoke a direct conflict. Therefore, while the competition and rivalry will continue alongside cooperation and confidence building, the fundamental character of the relationship might not change.
It could then be argued that the region is looking at a paradigm shift as far as strategic objectives and the nature of war is concerned. That might not necessarily be construed as a fundamental alteration in the nature of the relationship. Like in the US-USSR Cold War, this is a case of technology being the driver in determining the perimeters of conflict and competition.
The writer is an Islamabad-based independent defence analyst and author of the book, Military Inc, Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2007%5C04%5C30%5Cstory_30-4-2007_pg3_2
Monday, April 30, 2007
Although India has a long way to go in perfecting the Cold Start concept, the model does change the military-strategic scene and poses the question to Pakistan regarding signalling to India about its threshold in response to the latter’s new military doctrine
General Pervez Musharraf has hailed Indian prime minister Manmohan Singh’s recent statement about a plan to divide the Indian-held Kashmir into three parts as recognition of Pakistan’s proposed solution of the dispute. Discussions are already underway regarding a possible de-militarisation (reduction or re-location) of Jammu & Kashmir, which will, hopefully, improve relations between India and Pakistan.
Although the talks are highly secretive, one can already guess that a solution is not likely to involve any territorial adjustments favouring Pakistan. During my two recent visits to Delhi I met a few Kashmiri people who were equally upset with Pakistan for willingly surrendering a claim, which in their view, was never Pakistan’s to decide. However, what the Kashmiris feel is a different issue. More important is the fact that many in Pakistan will also classify a deal as a sell-out.
Whatever might be the perception of the Kashmiris, an administrative-cum-political adjustment on both sides is likely to put an end to the territorial dispute between the two South Asian neighbours. The question, however, is: will the solution naturally result in normalising relations and ushering in a new era of peace and tranquillity between them?
Leaving aside the issue of analysing the rights and wrongs of Islamabad’s approach, it is interesting to evaluate the argument regarding a deal with India as signifying a paradigm shift by the Pakistan army. Many analysts believe this policy indicates the re-structuring of the army’s strategic vision. Is that correct?
From a tactical perspective, a possible deal might not necessarily indicate a policy shift. After all, the Pakistan army has politically conceded more to India than it ever did during a war. Incidentally, territorial concessions were always made after defeat in a war or a major military operation. For instance, the defeat in 1971 led to the Simla agreement. Another situation in which the army has conceded territory to India without fighting for it is in situations when the GHQ Rawalpindi was up till its eyes in politics. The best example is General Zia’s period when India managed to make territorial gains in the Qamar sector without Pakistan really batting an eyelid. It is worth noting that throughout his reign Zia did not really mention Kashmir in his discussions with India.
So, there is nothing queer about General Musharraf willing to write-off the political claim on Kashmir after he had undertaken the Kargil operation. Every time the Pakistan army fights a war on the territory, it realizes that military operations are hardly the way to change the status quo.
Does this mean Pakistan will begin to look at India differently? Will the states and the militaries now consider each other as long-lost distant cousins who must live peacefully? From Pakistan’s perspective, there is no fundamental paradigm shift as far as perception about India goes. The larger neighbour remains an enemy and will continue to be mistrusted.
However, what is different is the appreciation of the changed strategic and geo-political environment. The fact is that since the nuclear tests, and as the two countries negotiate the nuclear CBMs, they realise that a conventional medium-intensity war cannot be fought in the region. Even though both India and Pakistan continue to maintain large armed forces, the fact remains that war in South Asia has changed. This is not the age where two traditional rivals will be able to fight a 10-15 days war or hope to gain territories to be mutually exchanged during peace talks. They cannot even afford to fight wars of direct contestation over territories.
India has announced its future battle plans through its strategy of Cold Start in which the aim will be to remain grouped for a short and swift attack across the boundary to eliminate targets and withdraw rather than taking territory which would then give Pakistan cause to push the nuclear button. The four scenarios given by Lt. General Khalid Kidwai have caught the military-strategic imagination in Delhi even though General Kidwai has often said that he was misunderstood by the two Italian analysts who spoke with him.
Although India has a long way to go in perfecting the Cold Start concept, the model does change the military-strategic scene and poses the question to Pakistan regarding signalling to India about its threshold in response to the latter’s new military doctrine.
Two issues are worth considering; they also seem to point to the fact that what we are witnessing may be are military-strategic adjustments rather than a paradigm shift.
First, since the competition between India and Pakistan is no longer territorial and has become increasingly ideological, the generals in Rawalpindi would like to stress strategic equality. The confusion in the minds of military personnel regarding parity and equality makes them nervous about India’s growing strategic prowess and also motivates them to compete.
What the generals have definitely understood is that a competition will not be possible without building sufficient economic muscle for which they are willing to create ‘controlled’ conditions in the country and the region at large which might make it possible for capital to flow from India as well. However, the movement will have to be select and controlled by the state bureaucracy. It is uncertain that the discussions on trade will eventually lead to a situation where the common people of India and Pakistan will freely build financial stakes in each other’s countries.
Second, Pakistan would like to define or carve out a role for it self in the world not entirely dominated by India. Resolving the Kashmir dispute will not mean that Islamabad will give up the claim over its share of Afghanistan’s geo-politics and Central Asia or not want to play the role as a key between two strategic regions that is the Persian Gulf/Middle East and Central Asia. This statement does not mean that Pakistan is already playing that role or that it will seek to do so through military means alone.
What is being argued is that these two factors are critical to the evolving strategic vision, supposedly in sync with the changing realities of the India-Pakistan bilateral linkage. A power-play between the two rivals on issues not directly impinging on their core interests might be less likely to provoke a direct conflict. Therefore, while the competition and rivalry will continue alongside cooperation and confidence building, the fundamental character of the relationship might not change.
It could then be argued that the region is looking at a paradigm shift as far as strategic objectives and the nature of war is concerned. That might not necessarily be construed as a fundamental alteration in the nature of the relationship. Like in the US-USSR Cold War, this is a case of technology being the driver in determining the perimeters of conflict and competition.
The writer is an Islamabad-based independent defence analyst and author of the book, Military Inc, Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy
Networking in South Asia
April 30, 2007
Prepared by: Carin Zissis
http://www.cfr.org/publication/13200/networking_in_south_asia.html?breadcrumb=%2F
An Indo-Pakistani peace process continues to move forward two months after the deadly bombing on the “Friendship Express” train between New Delhi and Lahore. Shortly after that attack, linked to Kashmiri militant groups (Hindustan Times), India and Pakistan signed an agreement to reduce the risk of accidental nuclear attacks. More recently, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Khurshid Kasuri indicated on April 20 that the two countries are close to reaching agreement (The Nation) on the decades-old dispute over India-controlled Kashmir. Pakistani leader Pervez Musharraf says relations between the two countries “have never been better” (Hindu).
Critics say India has been less forthcoming, and Kashmiris themselves are not keen to cooperate. Although New Delhi hosted a one-day roundtable on Kashmir last week, Kashmiri separatist leaders did not participate, just as they haven’t in the past, rendering negotiations “non-events,” says Pakistan’s Daily Times. In an interview with India’s Rediff, Kashmir expert Navnita Chadha Behera says Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is committed to addressing the complaints of Kashmiris, yet faces the task of responding to disparate needs: “The trouble again is that there is no sole spokesman here.” Among the obstacles to a breakthrough agreement, says the Economist, is India’s reluctance to reduce the presence of some six hundred thousand troops in Kashmir. A recent analysis on the Kashmir issue by the Swiss Peace Foundation predicts India will continue to drag its feet in the peace process. At the roundtable's conclusion, Singh cast doubt on a Kashmir deal with Islamabad, saying comments “emanating from Pakistan do not give the correct picture” (Indian Express).
Musharraf may be keen to show progress, however, given domestic unrest related to his decision to sack Islamabad’s Supreme Court chief justice and a crisis of confidence with the United States over the Talibanization of the border region near Afghanistan. A recent suicide attack in the North West Frontier Province targeting Pakistan's interior minister cast further doubt on the wisdom of Islambad's controversial peace deals with local leaders in regions near the Afghan border (ISN). A new Backgrounder looks at Musharraf’s political troubles and what the future could bear for Pakistan’s leadership.
Pipeline politics could also soothe India-Pakistan ties. Islamabad plans to participate in building a pipeline (AP) that would carry natural gas from Iranto the South Asian subcontinent and is negotiating rates with Tehran and New Delhi. The plan could boost rapprochement with energy-hungry India. However, Islamabad ’s openness to free trade with New Delhi remains in question. Although Pakistan ratified the 2004 South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA), it has failed to fully implement SAFTA with India by granting it normalized trade relations (Economic Times).
India enjoys warmer ties with another neighbor, Bangladesh, but developments there are feeding concerns in New Delhi about instability and extremism to the east. A political crisis has left an interim military government in charge of Bangladesh and raised fears that militants with links to Indian and Pakistani extremists may gain a foothold there. Kashmir expert Behera warns of the rise of al-Qaeda in Pakistan as part of a regional militant network, particularly with Kashmiri extremist groups Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Muhammad, saying, “They all swim in the same water.” Indian political analyst Amulya Ganguli says Bangladesh’s military regime has shown willingness to combat extremism with tough measures, including the recent execution of six alleged terrorists. However, a new analysis by intelligence site Stratfor looks at growing Islamization in the three countries, drawing links among Pakistan’s intelligence agency, militants in Bangladesh, and India’s insurgency-ridden northeast. A recent Backgrounder looks at terror groups operating in India.
Prepared by: Carin Zissis
http://www.cfr.org/publication/13200/networking_in_south_asia.html?breadcrumb=%2F
An Indo-Pakistani peace process continues to move forward two months after the deadly bombing on the “Friendship Express” train between New Delhi and Lahore. Shortly after that attack, linked to Kashmiri militant groups (Hindustan Times), India and Pakistan signed an agreement to reduce the risk of accidental nuclear attacks. More recently, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Khurshid Kasuri indicated on April 20 that the two countries are close to reaching agreement (The Nation) on the decades-old dispute over India-controlled Kashmir. Pakistani leader Pervez Musharraf says relations between the two countries “have never been better” (Hindu).
Critics say India has been less forthcoming, and Kashmiris themselves are not keen to cooperate. Although New Delhi hosted a one-day roundtable on Kashmir last week, Kashmiri separatist leaders did not participate, just as they haven’t in the past, rendering negotiations “non-events,” says Pakistan’s Daily Times. In an interview with India’s Rediff, Kashmir expert Navnita Chadha Behera says Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is committed to addressing the complaints of Kashmiris, yet faces the task of responding to disparate needs: “The trouble again is that there is no sole spokesman here.” Among the obstacles to a breakthrough agreement, says the Economist, is India’s reluctance to reduce the presence of some six hundred thousand troops in Kashmir. A recent analysis on the Kashmir issue by the Swiss Peace Foundation predicts India will continue to drag its feet in the peace process. At the roundtable's conclusion, Singh cast doubt on a Kashmir deal with Islamabad, saying comments “emanating from Pakistan do not give the correct picture” (Indian Express).
Musharraf may be keen to show progress, however, given domestic unrest related to his decision to sack Islamabad’s Supreme Court chief justice and a crisis of confidence with the United States over the Talibanization of the border region near Afghanistan. A recent suicide attack in the North West Frontier Province targeting Pakistan's interior minister cast further doubt on the wisdom of Islambad's controversial peace deals with local leaders in regions near the Afghan border (ISN). A new Backgrounder looks at Musharraf’s political troubles and what the future could bear for Pakistan’s leadership.
Pipeline politics could also soothe India-Pakistan ties. Islamabad plans to participate in building a pipeline (AP) that would carry natural gas from Iranto the South Asian subcontinent and is negotiating rates with Tehran and New Delhi. The plan could boost rapprochement with energy-hungry India. However, Islamabad ’s openness to free trade with New Delhi remains in question. Although Pakistan ratified the 2004 South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA), it has failed to fully implement SAFTA with India by granting it normalized trade relations (Economic Times).
India enjoys warmer ties with another neighbor, Bangladesh, but developments there are feeding concerns in New Delhi about instability and extremism to the east. A political crisis has left an interim military government in charge of Bangladesh and raised fears that militants with links to Indian and Pakistani extremists may gain a foothold there. Kashmir expert Behera warns of the rise of al-Qaeda in Pakistan as part of a regional militant network, particularly with Kashmiri extremist groups Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Muhammad, saying, “They all swim in the same water.” Indian political analyst Amulya Ganguli says Bangladesh’s military regime has shown willingness to combat extremism with tough measures, including the recent execution of six alleged terrorists. However, a new analysis by intelligence site Stratfor looks at growing Islamization in the three countries, drawing links among Pakistan’s intelligence agency, militants in Bangladesh, and India’s insurgency-ridden northeast. A recent Backgrounder looks at terror groups operating in India.
SAARC in South Asia-I
REYAZ AHMED JAN
http://www.greaterkashmir.com/full_story.asp?Date=30_4_2007&ItemID=2&cat=11
The famous British Economist Alfred Marshal thought that trade was a major cause of progress and his successor Robertson called trade “the engine of growth”. Such opinions are based on the theory of comparative advantage which argues that if countries produce what they can do best and leave to other nations what they can produce with less efficiency, then real output, income and consumption will be higher than it would be in the absence of trade. Higher consumption as a result of trade means bigger domestic markets, increased specialization, greater economies of scale and higher capacity utilization. Economic integration is a process of eliminating restrictions on international trade, payments, and factor mobility. Economic integration thus results in the uniting of two or more national economies in a regional trading agreement. One such agreement is among the South Asian Countries, which gave birth to South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) organization.
South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) was formed in 1985 by the heads of States of Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka to promote collaboration and mutual assistance in economic social, cultural, technical and scientific fields, and to strengthen cooperation among the member states in international fora on matters of common interest. The rationale was based on the success of similar regional groupings elsewhere and strength of the concerted action in international representation with enhanced competitive position ensued. In the recently held 14th SAARC Summit, Afghanistan was included as its 8th member. The EU, Iran, Japan, South Korea and U.S.A. were given an observer status which has broadened the scope of SAARC.
Since its inception the SAARC members have moved slowly towards economic cooperation. Following the Sixth SAARC Summit held in Sri Lanka in 1991, an Inter-Governmental Group was set up to prepare an agreement to establish a South Asian Preferential Trade Agreement (SAPTA) by 1997. The framework agreement on SAPTA was approved in 1993 and implemented in 1995, two years ahead of the scheduled time. SAPTA was a preferential trading agreement, which aimed at promoting and sustaining mutual trade and economic cooperation through exchange of concessions within the region through step-by-step approach. SAPTA was seen as a first step towards South Asia Free Trade Area. It was anticipated that SAPTA will facilitate greater specialization and cost reduction generating substantial trade creation in the region in the view of significant tariff reduction and removal of other non-tariff barriers, giving the existing compliments in resource endowments, technical know-how and expanding production capability.
SAPTA was envisaged primarily as the first step towards the transition to a South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) leading subsequently towards a custom union, common market and economic union. In the 10th SAARC Summit held in Colombo, 29-31 July 1998, it was decided to set up a committee of Experts (COE) to draft a comprehensive treaty framework for creating a free trade area within the region. The agreement on South Asia Free Trade Area (SAFTA), drafted by COE, was signed on 6 January 2004 during the twelfth SAARC Summit in Islamabad (Pakistan). The agreement was to enter into force on 1 January 2006. The governing principle of SAFTA Agreement enshrined in Article 3 of the agreement clearly states that “SAFTA shall involve free movement of goods, between countries through, inter-alia, the elimination tariffs, Para tariffs and non-tariff restrictions on the movement of goods, and other equivalent measures”. Under the liberation programme scheduled for completion in ten years by 2016, the customs’ duties on products from the region will be progressively reduced. However, under an early harvest programme for the least developed member states, India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka are to bring down their customs duties to 0 - 5% by 1 January 2009 for the products from such member states. The least developed member states are expected to benefit from additional measures under the special and differential treatment accorded to them under the agreement. Under the agreement, Pakistan and India are to complete implementation by 2012, Sri Lanka by 2013 and Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives and Nepal by 2015. SAFTA replaces the earlier SAPTA and may eventually lead to a full-fledged South Asia Economic Union. The SAFTA agreement has not been fully implemented so far.
Owing to recent history of some member states as well as wide ranging diversity in the region in terms of size of countries and level of development, SAARC has not made significant progress in implementing a cooperation agenda on economic issues. India is the largest country followed by Pakistan in terms of surface area with 3287 thousand SqKm and 796 thousand SqKm respectively. The surface area of other members is Nepal (147 thousand SqKm), Bangladesh (144 thousand SqKm), Sri Lanka (66 thousand SqKm), Bhutan (47 thousand SqKm) and Maldives (0.3 thousand SqKm). As a result, SAARC’s intra-regional trade as a proportion of total trade has remained small and has increased marginally from 3.0% in 1985 to 4.2% in 2002. Intra-regional investment flows were also insignificant, and regional economies have not been able to reap any substantial benefits of regional cooperation. South Asia has one of the lowest levels of intra-regional trade anywhere in the world, primarily due to prevailing trade barriers. SAARC tragically, is the world’s only region, which has failed to tap the potential for socio-cultural exchange and economic cooperation, with the continuation of war and cold war between India and Pakistan. Unlike the European Union (EU) or Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). However trade between the Seven SAARC states has remained limited despite the fact that all are located within the close proximity of one another and all are part of the world trade organizations.
http://www.greaterkashmir.com/full_story.asp?Date=30_4_2007&ItemID=2&cat=11
The famous British Economist Alfred Marshal thought that trade was a major cause of progress and his successor Robertson called trade “the engine of growth”. Such opinions are based on the theory of comparative advantage which argues that if countries produce what they can do best and leave to other nations what they can produce with less efficiency, then real output, income and consumption will be higher than it would be in the absence of trade. Higher consumption as a result of trade means bigger domestic markets, increased specialization, greater economies of scale and higher capacity utilization. Economic integration is a process of eliminating restrictions on international trade, payments, and factor mobility. Economic integration thus results in the uniting of two or more national economies in a regional trading agreement. One such agreement is among the South Asian Countries, which gave birth to South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) organization.
South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) was formed in 1985 by the heads of States of Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka to promote collaboration and mutual assistance in economic social, cultural, technical and scientific fields, and to strengthen cooperation among the member states in international fora on matters of common interest. The rationale was based on the success of similar regional groupings elsewhere and strength of the concerted action in international representation with enhanced competitive position ensued. In the recently held 14th SAARC Summit, Afghanistan was included as its 8th member. The EU, Iran, Japan, South Korea and U.S.A. were given an observer status which has broadened the scope of SAARC.
Since its inception the SAARC members have moved slowly towards economic cooperation. Following the Sixth SAARC Summit held in Sri Lanka in 1991, an Inter-Governmental Group was set up to prepare an agreement to establish a South Asian Preferential Trade Agreement (SAPTA) by 1997. The framework agreement on SAPTA was approved in 1993 and implemented in 1995, two years ahead of the scheduled time. SAPTA was a preferential trading agreement, which aimed at promoting and sustaining mutual trade and economic cooperation through exchange of concessions within the region through step-by-step approach. SAPTA was seen as a first step towards South Asia Free Trade Area. It was anticipated that SAPTA will facilitate greater specialization and cost reduction generating substantial trade creation in the region in the view of significant tariff reduction and removal of other non-tariff barriers, giving the existing compliments in resource endowments, technical know-how and expanding production capability.
SAPTA was envisaged primarily as the first step towards the transition to a South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) leading subsequently towards a custom union, common market and economic union. In the 10th SAARC Summit held in Colombo, 29-31 July 1998, it was decided to set up a committee of Experts (COE) to draft a comprehensive treaty framework for creating a free trade area within the region. The agreement on South Asia Free Trade Area (SAFTA), drafted by COE, was signed on 6 January 2004 during the twelfth SAARC Summit in Islamabad (Pakistan). The agreement was to enter into force on 1 January 2006. The governing principle of SAFTA Agreement enshrined in Article 3 of the agreement clearly states that “SAFTA shall involve free movement of goods, between countries through, inter-alia, the elimination tariffs, Para tariffs and non-tariff restrictions on the movement of goods, and other equivalent measures”. Under the liberation programme scheduled for completion in ten years by 2016, the customs’ duties on products from the region will be progressively reduced. However, under an early harvest programme for the least developed member states, India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka are to bring down their customs duties to 0 - 5% by 1 January 2009 for the products from such member states. The least developed member states are expected to benefit from additional measures under the special and differential treatment accorded to them under the agreement. Under the agreement, Pakistan and India are to complete implementation by 2012, Sri Lanka by 2013 and Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives and Nepal by 2015. SAFTA replaces the earlier SAPTA and may eventually lead to a full-fledged South Asia Economic Union. The SAFTA agreement has not been fully implemented so far.
Owing to recent history of some member states as well as wide ranging diversity in the region in terms of size of countries and level of development, SAARC has not made significant progress in implementing a cooperation agenda on economic issues. India is the largest country followed by Pakistan in terms of surface area with 3287 thousand SqKm and 796 thousand SqKm respectively. The surface area of other members is Nepal (147 thousand SqKm), Bangladesh (144 thousand SqKm), Sri Lanka (66 thousand SqKm), Bhutan (47 thousand SqKm) and Maldives (0.3 thousand SqKm). As a result, SAARC’s intra-regional trade as a proportion of total trade has remained small and has increased marginally from 3.0% in 1985 to 4.2% in 2002. Intra-regional investment flows were also insignificant, and regional economies have not been able to reap any substantial benefits of regional cooperation. South Asia has one of the lowest levels of intra-regional trade anywhere in the world, primarily due to prevailing trade barriers. SAARC tragically, is the world’s only region, which has failed to tap the potential for socio-cultural exchange and economic cooperation, with the continuation of war and cold war between India and Pakistan. Unlike the European Union (EU) or Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). However trade between the Seven SAARC states has remained limited despite the fact that all are located within the close proximity of one another and all are part of the world trade organizations.
SAARC in South Asia-II
REYAZ AHMED JAN
http://www.greaterkashmir.com/full_story.asp?Date=1_5_2007&ItemID=2&cat=11
Cooperation Troubles:
India and Pakistan are the biggest countries and account 80% of the GDP of SAARC countries. The rivalry between India and Pakistan is proving increasingly expensive for both the countries. The cost is not only to be measured in terms of military expenditure, but also on the basis of varied parameters such as reduced GDP growth, diplomatic losses and most importantly loss of human lives. The conflictual relation between these two largest member states hindered the progress of SAARC. India has granted Most Favoured Nation (MFN) status to Pakistan in 1995 - 96. According to which imported goods from Pakistan will be treated no less favourably than imports of similar goods from any other country. In the case of tariffs, this means no other foreign good in India face a lower tariff than those imported from Pakistan. But Pakistan has not reciprocated to India’s MFN status. Pakistan’s longstanding position that talks with India on trade could progress in tandem with progress on Kashmir solution.
On the eve of 14th SAARC Summit, Pakistan Prime Minister, Mr. Showkat Aziz reiterated his country position that Kashmir question is the “Core Issue” between the two neighbours. He also made it clear that improvement in trade relations between the two countries is dependent on a solution to Kashmir Issue. Another problem in cooperation is that SAARC is structured in a way that often makes regional cooperation difficult. In the case of SAARC, India is the most powerful country in terms of its military power, economic might and international influence. Pakistan was initially reluctant to join SAARC due to fears of SAARC succumbing to Indian hegemony, while the smaller states in South Asia recognize that they will need India’s help to facilitate faster economic growth, but they are reluctant to work with India, fearing that such cooperation will admit Indian dominance in SAARC.
Aside from a few overtures to its neighbours, India has done little to allay the fears of other South Asian States. Realizing its considerable advantages in military and economic power, India has consistently acted in an arrogant and uncompromising manner with its neighbors. Bangladesh is afraid of India exploiting its geographical position to redirect water flows, vital to Bangladeshi agricultural production. Nepal and Bhutan are still worried about India’s control over their world trade and transit links as their geographical position will always make them dependent on India. These disputes between India and its neighbours have directly affected SAARC. Disputes between South Asian States and have undermined SAARC efforts to promote regional trade.
Benefits of Trade for SAARC States:
Trade provides benefits by allowing countries to export goods whose production makes heavy use of resources that are locally abundant while importing goods whose production makes heavy use of resources that are locally scarce. A large body of theoretical and empirical literature has investigated the role of regional economic integration. Regional integration can result in trade creation by allowing low-cost foreign producers freer access to the domestic market, reducing domestic prices, and displacing higher-cost domestic producers. However it can also result in trade diversion by allowing less efficient producers that are regional trade agreement members to displace more efficient producers from the rest of world.
Regional economic integration is like to yield net economic benefit when it leads to trade creation rather than trade diversion. However the problem of trade diversion can be minimized by keeping external tariff low. As far as trade creation by Regional Trade Agreements (RTA) is concerned, it is expected to spur competition in the domestic market. Increased import competition results in lower prices for consumers, more product variety, higher quality and increased incentives for innovation. SAARC region with just 3% of the world’s area houses 21% of the global population and also it is the most densely populated part of the world with about 263 people for every square kilometer. Such huge population in relatively small area could definitely create a market for member state’s commodities. The region is characterized by large income disparities, with 43% of its population living below the poverty line. By indulging in trade between member states there would be a decrease in the below poverty population through exploitation of benefits of regional trade. Unlike EU, the ASEAN or the NAFTA, the SAARC countries have a shared history and heritage, which provides one more advantage to their countries to enjoy all the benefits of RTA.
Among the regional economic groupings SAARC is relatively one of the younger one, as it is just 22 years old. Where as regional economic groupings of its kind have gone through dramatic transformation in this period, bringing their members so closer in the chosen area, such as trade and economic cooperation. SAARC has provided a strong base for member states to discuss all issues and help in mutual cooperation. It is believed that these countries would settle all their political and other disputes and will move towards a greater economic cooperation and make the South Asia a prosperous region. India and Pakistan being the largest economies of the region must forget their past and start a new era for regional economic cooperation in South Asian region. The actions of these economies have a strong influence on policies of other South Asian Countries. Both countries need to work together to ensure that the interests of the smaller regional countries are safeguarded. This would improve the economic cooperation between SAARC members, which would result in the reduction of poverty and will improve the socio-economic conditions of the population in this region.
--Concluded
(Author is M.phil scholar at the Centre of Central Asian Studies, University of Kashmir. He can be mailed at reayazjan@yahoo.co.in)
http://www.greaterkashmir.com/full_story.asp?Date=1_5_2007&ItemID=2&cat=11
Cooperation Troubles:
India and Pakistan are the biggest countries and account 80% of the GDP of SAARC countries. The rivalry between India and Pakistan is proving increasingly expensive for both the countries. The cost is not only to be measured in terms of military expenditure, but also on the basis of varied parameters such as reduced GDP growth, diplomatic losses and most importantly loss of human lives. The conflictual relation between these two largest member states hindered the progress of SAARC. India has granted Most Favoured Nation (MFN) status to Pakistan in 1995 - 96. According to which imported goods from Pakistan will be treated no less favourably than imports of similar goods from any other country. In the case of tariffs, this means no other foreign good in India face a lower tariff than those imported from Pakistan. But Pakistan has not reciprocated to India’s MFN status. Pakistan’s longstanding position that talks with India on trade could progress in tandem with progress on Kashmir solution.
On the eve of 14th SAARC Summit, Pakistan Prime Minister, Mr. Showkat Aziz reiterated his country position that Kashmir question is the “Core Issue” between the two neighbours. He also made it clear that improvement in trade relations between the two countries is dependent on a solution to Kashmir Issue. Another problem in cooperation is that SAARC is structured in a way that often makes regional cooperation difficult. In the case of SAARC, India is the most powerful country in terms of its military power, economic might and international influence. Pakistan was initially reluctant to join SAARC due to fears of SAARC succumbing to Indian hegemony, while the smaller states in South Asia recognize that they will need India’s help to facilitate faster economic growth, but they are reluctant to work with India, fearing that such cooperation will admit Indian dominance in SAARC.
Aside from a few overtures to its neighbours, India has done little to allay the fears of other South Asian States. Realizing its considerable advantages in military and economic power, India has consistently acted in an arrogant and uncompromising manner with its neighbors. Bangladesh is afraid of India exploiting its geographical position to redirect water flows, vital to Bangladeshi agricultural production. Nepal and Bhutan are still worried about India’s control over their world trade and transit links as their geographical position will always make them dependent on India. These disputes between India and its neighbours have directly affected SAARC. Disputes between South Asian States and have undermined SAARC efforts to promote regional trade.
Benefits of Trade for SAARC States:
Trade provides benefits by allowing countries to export goods whose production makes heavy use of resources that are locally abundant while importing goods whose production makes heavy use of resources that are locally scarce. A large body of theoretical and empirical literature has investigated the role of regional economic integration. Regional integration can result in trade creation by allowing low-cost foreign producers freer access to the domestic market, reducing domestic prices, and displacing higher-cost domestic producers. However it can also result in trade diversion by allowing less efficient producers that are regional trade agreement members to displace more efficient producers from the rest of world.
Regional economic integration is like to yield net economic benefit when it leads to trade creation rather than trade diversion. However the problem of trade diversion can be minimized by keeping external tariff low. As far as trade creation by Regional Trade Agreements (RTA) is concerned, it is expected to spur competition in the domestic market. Increased import competition results in lower prices for consumers, more product variety, higher quality and increased incentives for innovation. SAARC region with just 3% of the world’s area houses 21% of the global population and also it is the most densely populated part of the world with about 263 people for every square kilometer. Such huge population in relatively small area could definitely create a market for member state’s commodities. The region is characterized by large income disparities, with 43% of its population living below the poverty line. By indulging in trade between member states there would be a decrease in the below poverty population through exploitation of benefits of regional trade. Unlike EU, the ASEAN or the NAFTA, the SAARC countries have a shared history and heritage, which provides one more advantage to their countries to enjoy all the benefits of RTA.
Among the regional economic groupings SAARC is relatively one of the younger one, as it is just 22 years old. Where as regional economic groupings of its kind have gone through dramatic transformation in this period, bringing their members so closer in the chosen area, such as trade and economic cooperation. SAARC has provided a strong base for member states to discuss all issues and help in mutual cooperation. It is believed that these countries would settle all their political and other disputes and will move towards a greater economic cooperation and make the South Asia a prosperous region. India and Pakistan being the largest economies of the region must forget their past and start a new era for regional economic cooperation in South Asian region. The actions of these economies have a strong influence on policies of other South Asian Countries. Both countries need to work together to ensure that the interests of the smaller regional countries are safeguarded. This would improve the economic cooperation between SAARC members, which would result in the reduction of poverty and will improve the socio-economic conditions of the population in this region.
--Concluded
(Author is M.phil scholar at the Centre of Central Asian Studies, University of Kashmir. He can be mailed at reayazjan@yahoo.co.in)
Thursday, April 12, 2007
Indian Foreign Policy and the Dynamics of Regional Politics
Tuesday, April 24, 2007
(Courtesy: Siddhartha Thapa)
[Nepali.Perspectives]: Indian Foreign Policy and the Dynamics of Regional Politics
The fourteenth SAARC summit, like past summits was poignantly marked with rhetoric, applauses, vague promises and strict adherence to obsessive protocol. But, unfortunately, like other past summits, the New Delhi summit failed to depart from the paradigm of inaction and identify the core problem plaguing development and democratization in South Asia: terrorism.
Quintessentially, the drama attached to the SAARC summit was rather enchanting. Nepal, a prominent boat shaker in South Asian politics came out clearly favoring China to be given member status, this invariably in the long run will challenge India's hegemony and influence in the region. To add to SAARC's endless list of agonies, the addition of Afghanistan does no good, it further strains the mathematics of the beleaguered SAARC treasury. On the global front, powerful countries are coming together as efficient trading blocs and protecting the interest of member states within the trading bloc, unlike SAARC which remains bitterly divided. And despite some positive signs of economic development much to the credit of the IT sector boom and relocation of multi-nationals in South Asia; the rise in terrorism and political instability in the region has halted the consolidation of further success.
In the past Indo-Pak rivalry accounted for much of SAARC's failure and even to this date, the tension between these South Asian giants has hampered much of the progress at SAARC. But much has changed over the decade; India and Pakistan are not the only countries susceptible to terrorism and instability. A common feature in the politics of all South Asian countries is the resurgence of communist and religious extremism.
So are New Delhi and Islamabad the regional spoilers?
Pakistan's geographic location makes it a non-contender and a lesser player compared to India. On all accounts New Delhi has indeed failed on three fronts: stabilizing the region, effective exportation of democracy in its back yard, and conflict management. Peace is a prerequisite to development. Unlike other regional trading blocs, South Asia is marred by instability and contrary to the philosophy of other regional trading blocs; South Asian politics lacks a binding force. On the other hand the in the European Union - democracy, free market and stability in the region are desired objectives of all its member states.
For instance, the made in Delhi '12 point agreement', might yield dividends in Kathmandu but at the expense of the survival of democratic discourse. Where as in Bangladesh, India finds it hands unbound in taking strong measures against a military government. Worse still is Bhutan, where tragic ethnic cleansing, the relocation and repatriation of these refugees to a third country remain unsolved, though seventeen long years have passed by. The price that Nepal has had to pay has been dear, growing frustration among refugees has resulted in refugees posturing extreme nationalistic sentiments and in some cases resorting to violence. And last of course, Sri Lanka, where various groups within Tamil Nadu supported the LTTE. Unfortunately the see-saw change of policy in Delhi vis-Ã -vis Sri Lanka, costs many lives in the Indian army and tragically that of India's visionary Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.
Therefore, for any successful overtures in South Asia – India needs to re-evaluate its foreign policy and national security and in conjunction, identify the main threats to its national security. It might also be prudent for the administration in New Delhi to question its policy makers in the South Block about a most pertinent issue - is South Asia headed towards disintegration? To find answers, policy makers and politicians in New Delhi need to identify interest groups within India that have worked in tandem with various extremist groups in South Asia.
It is no secret that the weapons in the Maoist armory were provided largely by radical communist sympathizers in West Bengal and Kerala. Historically speaking, BP Koirala was funded by various socialist parties around the world in collaboration with Indian socialists to provide him with arms. Similarly, the CPI-M has without a doubt provided moral support to the Maoists and more significantly, introduced them to the secret arms market of India.
Second, radical Islamic groups within India have perpetrated the ranks of various political parties in Bangladesh. But in regard to radical Islam, Pakistan 's notorious Islamic fugitives have outdone Indian Islamic radicals in disturbing the existence of a quasi- secular political balance in Bangladesh.
In the case of Sri Lanka, Karunanidhi in the early 80's not only provided monetary assistance but also sanctuary to Prabhakaran and his associates against the Lankan government. And in Bhutan, continued support to an autocratic regime and the reluctance of India to pressurize the Druk government on the repatriation of refugees languishing in Nepal are all parts and parcel of the fallacies of Indian policy in South Asia.
India and Pakistan have to recognize the unifying element in South Asian politics. Unfortunately, home-grown terrorism has contributed towards instability and extremism. First – the unprecedented growth of communism and the notion of self-determination have the proponents of mustering secession movements in India. Although India might have made gargantuan leaps economically, its failure to protect democracies in its backyard has undoubtedly questioned India's intentions and abilities in the global arena. If India cannot solve problems effectively in its own backyard how can she play a greater role in international relations?
The only solution to the advancement of South Asian regional development is a re-evaluation of policy at South Block and Race Course Road. But on a substantive policy level – it must be realized that both radical communism and religious extremism are the biggest threat to peace time politics in South Asia. And the only real response is a collective comprehensive security mechanism and the identification of common threats and rapid socio-economic response to the disgruntled masses. But more importantly it is imperative that India departs from a policy of 'democratic hypocrisy'.
(Courtesy: Siddhartha Thapa)
[Nepali.Perspectives]: Indian Foreign Policy and the Dynamics of Regional Politics
The fourteenth SAARC summit, like past summits was poignantly marked with rhetoric, applauses, vague promises and strict adherence to obsessive protocol. But, unfortunately, like other past summits, the New Delhi summit failed to depart from the paradigm of inaction and identify the core problem plaguing development and democratization in South Asia: terrorism.
Quintessentially, the drama attached to the SAARC summit was rather enchanting. Nepal, a prominent boat shaker in South Asian politics came out clearly favoring China to be given member status, this invariably in the long run will challenge India's hegemony and influence in the region. To add to SAARC's endless list of agonies, the addition of Afghanistan does no good, it further strains the mathematics of the beleaguered SAARC treasury. On the global front, powerful countries are coming together as efficient trading blocs and protecting the interest of member states within the trading bloc, unlike SAARC which remains bitterly divided. And despite some positive signs of economic development much to the credit of the IT sector boom and relocation of multi-nationals in South Asia; the rise in terrorism and political instability in the region has halted the consolidation of further success.
In the past Indo-Pak rivalry accounted for much of SAARC's failure and even to this date, the tension between these South Asian giants has hampered much of the progress at SAARC. But much has changed over the decade; India and Pakistan are not the only countries susceptible to terrorism and instability. A common feature in the politics of all South Asian countries is the resurgence of communist and religious extremism.
So are New Delhi and Islamabad the regional spoilers?
Pakistan's geographic location makes it a non-contender and a lesser player compared to India. On all accounts New Delhi has indeed failed on three fronts: stabilizing the region, effective exportation of democracy in its back yard, and conflict management. Peace is a prerequisite to development. Unlike other regional trading blocs, South Asia is marred by instability and contrary to the philosophy of other regional trading blocs; South Asian politics lacks a binding force. On the other hand the in the European Union - democracy, free market and stability in the region are desired objectives of all its member states.
For instance, the made in Delhi '12 point agreement', might yield dividends in Kathmandu but at the expense of the survival of democratic discourse. Where as in Bangladesh, India finds it hands unbound in taking strong measures against a military government. Worse still is Bhutan, where tragic ethnic cleansing, the relocation and repatriation of these refugees to a third country remain unsolved, though seventeen long years have passed by. The price that Nepal has had to pay has been dear, growing frustration among refugees has resulted in refugees posturing extreme nationalistic sentiments and in some cases resorting to violence. And last of course, Sri Lanka, where various groups within Tamil Nadu supported the LTTE. Unfortunately the see-saw change of policy in Delhi vis-Ã -vis Sri Lanka, costs many lives in the Indian army and tragically that of India's visionary Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.
Therefore, for any successful overtures in South Asia – India needs to re-evaluate its foreign policy and national security and in conjunction, identify the main threats to its national security. It might also be prudent for the administration in New Delhi to question its policy makers in the South Block about a most pertinent issue - is South Asia headed towards disintegration? To find answers, policy makers and politicians in New Delhi need to identify interest groups within India that have worked in tandem with various extremist groups in South Asia.
It is no secret that the weapons in the Maoist armory were provided largely by radical communist sympathizers in West Bengal and Kerala. Historically speaking, BP Koirala was funded by various socialist parties around the world in collaboration with Indian socialists to provide him with arms. Similarly, the CPI-M has without a doubt provided moral support to the Maoists and more significantly, introduced them to the secret arms market of India.
Second, radical Islamic groups within India have perpetrated the ranks of various political parties in Bangladesh. But in regard to radical Islam, Pakistan 's notorious Islamic fugitives have outdone Indian Islamic radicals in disturbing the existence of a quasi- secular political balance in Bangladesh.
In the case of Sri Lanka, Karunanidhi in the early 80's not only provided monetary assistance but also sanctuary to Prabhakaran and his associates against the Lankan government. And in Bhutan, continued support to an autocratic regime and the reluctance of India to pressurize the Druk government on the repatriation of refugees languishing in Nepal are all parts and parcel of the fallacies of Indian policy in South Asia.
India and Pakistan have to recognize the unifying element in South Asian politics. Unfortunately, home-grown terrorism has contributed towards instability and extremism. First – the unprecedented growth of communism and the notion of self-determination have the proponents of mustering secession movements in India. Although India might have made gargantuan leaps economically, its failure to protect democracies in its backyard has undoubtedly questioned India's intentions and abilities in the global arena. If India cannot solve problems effectively in its own backyard how can she play a greater role in international relations?
The only solution to the advancement of South Asian regional development is a re-evaluation of policy at South Block and Race Course Road. But on a substantive policy level – it must be realized that both radical communism and religious extremism are the biggest threat to peace time politics in South Asia. And the only real response is a collective comprehensive security mechanism and the identification of common threats and rapid socio-economic response to the disgruntled masses. But more importantly it is imperative that India departs from a policy of 'democratic hypocrisy'.
Sri Lanka-Nepal free trade deal could trigger trade, but also potential for opening services
http://www.lankabusinessonline.com/fullstory.php?newsID=46631837&no_view=1&SEARCH_TERM=10
April 4, 2007 (LBO) – A proposed free-trade deal between Nepal and Sri Lanka could boost trade but analysts say there is more potential for service liberalization.
Trade between the two countries is slim at the moment at just 371 million rupees in Sri Lankan exports last year and seven million rupees in imports, compared to billions of rupees in trade between Sri Lanka and other South Asian neighbours.
There are also issues of connectivity hampering trade between land-locked Nepal and Sri Lanka.
“We are working towards a free trade agreement with Nepal,” G L Peiris, Sri Lanka’s export development and international trade minister said Wednesday at a conference on trade in services in South Asia.
Nepal is keen on an agreement, Saman Kelegama, Executive Director of think tank, the Institute of Policy Studies, says, prompting the move to negotiate an FTA.
Though the deal is not expected to be as significant as the India-Sri Lanka and Pakistan-Sri Lanka free trade deals, a Nepal agreement could have other benefits.
“There isn’t a large amount of trade at the moment. But the thing with these trade deals is that it may trigger unilateral liberalization in other sectors,” Kelegama said.
Potential areas could be in aviation, allowing direct flights between the countries. Currently, Sri Lankans have to fly via Bangkok or New Delhi to Kathmandu.
There is also the potential to increase tourism especially Buddhist pilgrim traffic between the countries, packaging it with ongoing tours to India, Kelegama says.
Travel and tourism accounts for over 60 percent of Nepal’s total service exports, though India, Maldives and Pakistan are Sri Lanka’s top regional tourism markets.
Sri Lanka is also in the process of expanding its existing free trade deal with India, to open up service sectors like finance, tourism, health, education and other professions.
In a recent round of talks held in Colombo, India also agreed to open up all its ports to Sri Lankan exports of apparel and tea and deepened concessions on Sri Lanka’s garment exports.
India and Sri Lanka are hoping to reach some agreement by June this year. A Sri Lanka-Bangladesh trade agreement is also in the works.
Countries in the South Asian region export similar types of goods – textiles and apparel being significant as well as commodities like tea.
Despite the interest in inking bilateral deals with each other, intra-regional trade is still just five percent of total trade by the seven south asian countries, or just three billion dollars.
April 4, 2007 (LBO) – A proposed free-trade deal between Nepal and Sri Lanka could boost trade but analysts say there is more potential for service liberalization.
Trade between the two countries is slim at the moment at just 371 million rupees in Sri Lankan exports last year and seven million rupees in imports, compared to billions of rupees in trade between Sri Lanka and other South Asian neighbours.
There are also issues of connectivity hampering trade between land-locked Nepal and Sri Lanka.
“We are working towards a free trade agreement with Nepal,” G L Peiris, Sri Lanka’s export development and international trade minister said Wednesday at a conference on trade in services in South Asia.
Nepal is keen on an agreement, Saman Kelegama, Executive Director of think tank, the Institute of Policy Studies, says, prompting the move to negotiate an FTA.
Though the deal is not expected to be as significant as the India-Sri Lanka and Pakistan-Sri Lanka free trade deals, a Nepal agreement could have other benefits.
“There isn’t a large amount of trade at the moment. But the thing with these trade deals is that it may trigger unilateral liberalization in other sectors,” Kelegama said.
Potential areas could be in aviation, allowing direct flights between the countries. Currently, Sri Lankans have to fly via Bangkok or New Delhi to Kathmandu.
There is also the potential to increase tourism especially Buddhist pilgrim traffic between the countries, packaging it with ongoing tours to India, Kelegama says.
Travel and tourism accounts for over 60 percent of Nepal’s total service exports, though India, Maldives and Pakistan are Sri Lanka’s top regional tourism markets.
Sri Lanka is also in the process of expanding its existing free trade deal with India, to open up service sectors like finance, tourism, health, education and other professions.
In a recent round of talks held in Colombo, India also agreed to open up all its ports to Sri Lankan exports of apparel and tea and deepened concessions on Sri Lanka’s garment exports.
India and Sri Lanka are hoping to reach some agreement by June this year. A Sri Lanka-Bangladesh trade agreement is also in the works.
Countries in the South Asian region export similar types of goods – textiles and apparel being significant as well as commodities like tea.
Despite the interest in inking bilateral deals with each other, intra-regional trade is still just five percent of total trade by the seven south asian countries, or just three billion dollars.
International Conference on Media Laws Concludes in Nepal
By Altaf Hamid Rao ‘Pakistan Times’ AJK Bureau Chief
http://www.pakistantimes.net/2007/04/15/top8.htm
KATMANDU (Nepal): The three-day International Conference of journalists on Media Laws concluded in Katmandu on Friday providing an in-depth knowledge for the journalists how to successfully face media laws during the course of their professional duties.
Topic of the international moot was "Media Laws - the Media and the Law: A difficult relationship", organized jointly by the Singapore-based NGO KAF’s media programme and legal programme.
Besides a three-member journalists delegation from Pakistan, some media persons and legal experts from various other Asian countries including Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Indonesia, Korea, Nepal, Philippines, Sri Lanka and Singapore participated in the three-day conference.
The delegation from Pakistan comprised Altaf Hamid Rao, Mirpur-based Staff Correspondent of state-run news agency Associated Press of Pakistan, Ms Huma Amir Shah from Current Affairs department, AAJ TV and Mahmood Iqbal, Peshawar-based Correspondent of Daily ‘Dawn’.
Inaugurating the conference Werner Busch, Director, Media Program Asia for the host organization said “The main aim of holding of the seminar was to bring together journalists and legal experts from Asian countries in order to examine the role of media laws as a protection or a threat for journalists, how responsible journalism can be practiced, where are the limits of the freedom of the journalists and are press councils a practicable way to avoid courts cases”.
Media and Law - this is at best a neutral relationship, very often a strained one. And yet, a stable and comprehensive legal basis would help manifold: The papers, its readers, its subjects and the legal system itself, he said.
Journalists and legal experts from Nepal including Editor of Daily Katmandu Post Preetak, Singapore, Korea, India, Pakistan, Philippines, Bangladesh and other countries attending the conference addressed the conference besides participating in the discussion to Media and Media Laws elaborating in-depth analyses on the relationship between media and the Media laws
Participating in the discussion delegate from Pakistan Altaf Hamid Rao said that such conferences are proved to be major sources of guidance and knowledge about all faculties of the media including the topic of the congregations – the media laws.
It would indeed help in to guide the journalists across the globe including in Asian countries how to face media laws and the general law during the course of their professional duties.
The Katmandu global moot sets out to explore perils and possibilities in the workings of Media-Laws - in connection with the journalists, the legal system and those who feel wronged by the writings of the newspapers.
It also tries to advise journalists on how to put Media-Laws to good use, be it in not crossing the boundaries from critical reporting to slander, be it from stopping lower courts jailing journalists, not employing already existing Media-Laws.●
http://www.pakistantimes.net/2007/04/15/top8.htm
KATMANDU (Nepal): The three-day International Conference of journalists on Media Laws concluded in Katmandu on Friday providing an in-depth knowledge for the journalists how to successfully face media laws during the course of their professional duties.
Topic of the international moot was "Media Laws - the Media and the Law: A difficult relationship", organized jointly by the Singapore-based NGO KAF’s media programme and legal programme.
Besides a three-member journalists delegation from Pakistan, some media persons and legal experts from various other Asian countries including Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Indonesia, Korea, Nepal, Philippines, Sri Lanka and Singapore participated in the three-day conference.
The delegation from Pakistan comprised Altaf Hamid Rao, Mirpur-based Staff Correspondent of state-run news agency Associated Press of Pakistan, Ms Huma Amir Shah from Current Affairs department, AAJ TV and Mahmood Iqbal, Peshawar-based Correspondent of Daily ‘Dawn’.
Inaugurating the conference Werner Busch, Director, Media Program Asia for the host organization said “The main aim of holding of the seminar was to bring together journalists and legal experts from Asian countries in order to examine the role of media laws as a protection or a threat for journalists, how responsible journalism can be practiced, where are the limits of the freedom of the journalists and are press councils a practicable way to avoid courts cases”.
Media and Law - this is at best a neutral relationship, very often a strained one. And yet, a stable and comprehensive legal basis would help manifold: The papers, its readers, its subjects and the legal system itself, he said.
Journalists and legal experts from Nepal including Editor of Daily Katmandu Post Preetak, Singapore, Korea, India, Pakistan, Philippines, Bangladesh and other countries attending the conference addressed the conference besides participating in the discussion to Media and Media Laws elaborating in-depth analyses on the relationship between media and the Media laws
Participating in the discussion delegate from Pakistan Altaf Hamid Rao said that such conferences are proved to be major sources of guidance and knowledge about all faculties of the media including the topic of the congregations – the media laws.
It would indeed help in to guide the journalists across the globe including in Asian countries how to face media laws and the general law during the course of their professional duties.
The Katmandu global moot sets out to explore perils and possibilities in the workings of Media-Laws - in connection with the journalists, the legal system and those who feel wronged by the writings of the newspapers.
It also tries to advise journalists on how to put Media-Laws to good use, be it in not crossing the boundaries from critical reporting to slander, be it from stopping lower courts jailing journalists, not employing already existing Media-Laws.●
Road link with Nepal to boost regional ties
By BSS, New Delhi
Fri, 6 Apr 2007, 12:10:00
http://nation.ittefaq.com/artman/publish/article_35177.shtml
Source: The New Nation Bangladesh
Bangladesh-Nepal road link will be beneficial to all, including India, and it will help boost economic activities in the region, if only 17-kilometre road connection is given through Indian territory.
Chief Adviser Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed and Nepalese Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala made this observation when they met at the Hotel Maurya Sheraton here, a day after the end of the 14th SAARC Summit. Foreign Adviser Dr. Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury, the acting Foreign Secretary and the Press Secretary were present. Briefing journalists, Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Syed Fahim Munaim said the two leaders discussed bilateral issues in a cordial atmosphere and hoped that Dhaka-Kathmandu ties would be intensified in the days to come.
Dr. Fakhruddin said Nepal could use the Mongla Port as the construction of the Rupsha Bridge and the Paksey Bridge has removed obstacles in road communication. More Nepali students can take the opportunity of higher studies in Bangladesh, he added.
The chief adviser thanked Nepalese Prime Minister for raising the issue of 'water security' and sharing of hydropower in this region during the SAARC Summit.
Koirala said he would take further initiatives toward establishing road link between Dhaka and Kathmandu and exploring other fields of regional economic cooperation.
He appreciated the reform steps taken by the caretaker government and hoped that the people of Bangladesh would get its benefits soon.
Dr. Fakhruddin also paid a courtesy call on Maldives President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom at his hotel suite here on Wednesday. The Press Secretary said both the leaders held talks in a cordial atmosphere and expressed satisfaction over the strengthening of Dhaka-Male relations day by day.
President Maumoon raised the alarming issue of sea level rise and proposed that Bangladesh and Maldives take joint initiatives to address this environmental challenge. He also suggested Dhaka-Colombo-Male air link for extending bilateral cooperation.
Besides, Dr. Fakhruddin paid a courtesy call on Bhutanese Prime Minister Lyonpo Khandu Wangc-huk at his hotel suite and discussed issues of mutual interests.
Fri, 6 Apr 2007, 12:10:00
http://nation.ittefaq.com/artman/publish/article_35177.shtml
Source: The New Nation Bangladesh
Bangladesh-Nepal road link will be beneficial to all, including India, and it will help boost economic activities in the region, if only 17-kilometre road connection is given through Indian territory.
Chief Adviser Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed and Nepalese Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala made this observation when they met at the Hotel Maurya Sheraton here, a day after the end of the 14th SAARC Summit. Foreign Adviser Dr. Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury, the acting Foreign Secretary and the Press Secretary were present. Briefing journalists, Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Syed Fahim Munaim said the two leaders discussed bilateral issues in a cordial atmosphere and hoped that Dhaka-Kathmandu ties would be intensified in the days to come.
Dr. Fakhruddin said Nepal could use the Mongla Port as the construction of the Rupsha Bridge and the Paksey Bridge has removed obstacles in road communication. More Nepali students can take the opportunity of higher studies in Bangladesh, he added.
The chief adviser thanked Nepalese Prime Minister for raising the issue of 'water security' and sharing of hydropower in this region during the SAARC Summit.
Koirala said he would take further initiatives toward establishing road link between Dhaka and Kathmandu and exploring other fields of regional economic cooperation.
He appreciated the reform steps taken by the caretaker government and hoped that the people of Bangladesh would get its benefits soon.
Dr. Fakhruddin also paid a courtesy call on Maldives President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom at his hotel suite here on Wednesday. The Press Secretary said both the leaders held talks in a cordial atmosphere and expressed satisfaction over the strengthening of Dhaka-Male relations day by day.
President Maumoon raised the alarming issue of sea level rise and proposed that Bangladesh and Maldives take joint initiatives to address this environmental challenge. He also suggested Dhaka-Colombo-Male air link for extending bilateral cooperation.
Besides, Dr. Fakhruddin paid a courtesy call on Bhutanese Prime Minister Lyonpo Khandu Wangc-huk at his hotel suite and discussed issues of mutual interests.
Ethnic groups ask Bangladesh, Nepal migrants to leave Indian state
The Associated PressPublished: April 12, 2007
http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2007/04/12/asia/AS-GEN-India-Migrants.php
GAUHATI, India: Illegal migrants from Bangladesh and Nepal have started leaving a northeastern Indian state after dominant ethnic groups there set a May 1 deadline for their departure, police said Thursday.
There is a strong anti-migrant feeling in India's remote northeast, where tens of thousands of people from outside the region have taken jobs and set up businesses.
There was no panic over the situation, due to police and paramilitary forces' strong presence in the area, said Meghalaya state Police Chief B. K. Dey Sawain.
"There is no large scale-exodus, but floating migrant workers are leaving the state," Sawain said.
Most migrants in Meghalaya work in coal mines on the Bangladesh border, said Emlang Lyttan, president of the Federation of Khasi, Jaintia and Garo People.
The Khasi, Jaintia and Garo — ethnic minority tribal groups who live mostly in India's northeast — have set a May 1 deadline for all migrants to be out of Meghalaya state.
Lyttan did not say what action would be taken against any who defy the deadline.
There are no government estimates of the number of illegal migrants from Bangladesh and Nepal in the area. Lyttan said there are about 12,000 in Meghalaya.
India shares a twisting, porous, 4,000-kilometer (2,500-mile) border with Bangladesh. Indian residents near the frontier fear they could soon be outnumbered by Bangladeshi migrants.
Indian authorities have completed 2,000 kilometers (1,240 miles) of a floodlit fence they are building along the border, mainly to keep out job-seeking immigrants.
Lyttan said tribal leaders largely blame migrants for rising crime — robberies, rapes and vehicle hijackings — in the area.
He also warned coal mine owners against employing foreign migrants.
"We are, however, not against migrant workers from elsewhere in India who are out here in search of jobs," he told The Associated Press.
Last year, the United Liberation Front of Asom — an ethnic minority-based group which has been fighting since 1979 for an independent state in India's northeast — asked "all Indians who migrated to Assam to leave that state," which is also in the northeast.
Most Indian migrant workers from other states ignored the ULFA's call.
The rebel group has since gunned down nearly 100 migrant workers from India's Bihar state.
http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2007/04/12/asia/AS-GEN-India-Migrants.php
GAUHATI, India: Illegal migrants from Bangladesh and Nepal have started leaving a northeastern Indian state after dominant ethnic groups there set a May 1 deadline for their departure, police said Thursday.
There is a strong anti-migrant feeling in India's remote northeast, where tens of thousands of people from outside the region have taken jobs and set up businesses.
There was no panic over the situation, due to police and paramilitary forces' strong presence in the area, said Meghalaya state Police Chief B. K. Dey Sawain.
"There is no large scale-exodus, but floating migrant workers are leaving the state," Sawain said.
Most migrants in Meghalaya work in coal mines on the Bangladesh border, said Emlang Lyttan, president of the Federation of Khasi, Jaintia and Garo People.
The Khasi, Jaintia and Garo — ethnic minority tribal groups who live mostly in India's northeast — have set a May 1 deadline for all migrants to be out of Meghalaya state.
Lyttan did not say what action would be taken against any who defy the deadline.
There are no government estimates of the number of illegal migrants from Bangladesh and Nepal in the area. Lyttan said there are about 12,000 in Meghalaya.
India shares a twisting, porous, 4,000-kilometer (2,500-mile) border with Bangladesh. Indian residents near the frontier fear they could soon be outnumbered by Bangladeshi migrants.
Indian authorities have completed 2,000 kilometers (1,240 miles) of a floodlit fence they are building along the border, mainly to keep out job-seeking immigrants.
Lyttan said tribal leaders largely blame migrants for rising crime — robberies, rapes and vehicle hijackings — in the area.
He also warned coal mine owners against employing foreign migrants.
"We are, however, not against migrant workers from elsewhere in India who are out here in search of jobs," he told The Associated Press.
Last year, the United Liberation Front of Asom — an ethnic minority-based group which has been fighting since 1979 for an independent state in India's northeast — asked "all Indians who migrated to Assam to leave that state," which is also in the northeast.
Most Indian migrant workers from other states ignored the ULFA's call.
The rebel group has since gunned down nearly 100 migrant workers from India's Bihar state.
'Indo-US nuclear deal not to fuel arms race in South Asia'
Press Trust Of India March 08, 2007
http://www.hindustantimes.com/StoryPage/StoryPage.aspx?id=abdb08f6-f47c-4006-acd3-0cac80150ebb&ParentID=af110d1f-c116-4869-8a88-0f2735bada40&
Stressing on the importance of Indo-US civilian nuclear deal, a senior US official has assured lawmakers in his country that the agreement would not in any way fuel an arms race in South Asia.
"I appreciate the effort the Congress put into passing the legislation. It was landmark legislation and, we think, very important, very well crafted in terms of letting the president and the Prime Minister move forward in a way that is prudent and in a way that meets their own expectations that they put down when they negotiated this," Assistant Secretary of South and Central Asia Richard Boucher told lawmakers at a hearing of the House Foreign Affairs Committee on Wednesday.
"There have been a lot of studies and a lot of statements you heard them all during the debate about what this would do for India's military programmes, whether it would do anything at all. I still believe it wouldn't; I don't think the incentives are there," he said.
"As far as the potential for an arms race in the region, we've talked quite clearly to both India and Pakistan. Both of them tell us they don't want to see an arms race; they have no intention of starting one. And indeed, as you yourself noted, they're not only talking, they're making a lot of progress," the senior official added.
"On the issue of military versus civilian, the essence of the deal was a separation between the two and a separation that can be maintained and will be maintained by the Indians based on their decisions and policy, but also in cooperation with some of these international agreements."
"But indeed, there are a series of safeguards that will be negotiated between India and the International Atomic Energy Agency. That is one piece of the package that will be looked at, will be ready for the Congress to look at when we ask you to vote again on finalising the deal.
"We'll have a standard bilateral agreement between the United States and India that has the provisions required by law to make sure that there is adequate legal basis for our cooperation. Congress will get a chance to look at that as well, when it comes down to it," he added.
In his prepared remarks to the Committee, Boucher went beyond the civilian nuclear deal to speak of the kind of issues going on between the two countries, including consultations on the Doha Round expressing confidence that the strategic relationship will deepen and grow.
"Beyond the civil nuclear agreement, we're building a even stronger relationship with India in a whole host of areas. We're deepening our security ties. We're expanding our economic and business cooperations. We're working with India in the Doha Development Round negotiations," he said.
http://www.hindustantimes.com/StoryPage/StoryPage.aspx?id=abdb08f6-f47c-4006-acd3-0cac80150ebb&ParentID=af110d1f-c116-4869-8a88-0f2735bada40&
Stressing on the importance of Indo-US civilian nuclear deal, a senior US official has assured lawmakers in his country that the agreement would not in any way fuel an arms race in South Asia.
"I appreciate the effort the Congress put into passing the legislation. It was landmark legislation and, we think, very important, very well crafted in terms of letting the president and the Prime Minister move forward in a way that is prudent and in a way that meets their own expectations that they put down when they negotiated this," Assistant Secretary of South and Central Asia Richard Boucher told lawmakers at a hearing of the House Foreign Affairs Committee on Wednesday.
"There have been a lot of studies and a lot of statements you heard them all during the debate about what this would do for India's military programmes, whether it would do anything at all. I still believe it wouldn't; I don't think the incentives are there," he said.
"As far as the potential for an arms race in the region, we've talked quite clearly to both India and Pakistan. Both of them tell us they don't want to see an arms race; they have no intention of starting one. And indeed, as you yourself noted, they're not only talking, they're making a lot of progress," the senior official added.
"On the issue of military versus civilian, the essence of the deal was a separation between the two and a separation that can be maintained and will be maintained by the Indians based on their decisions and policy, but also in cooperation with some of these international agreements."
"But indeed, there are a series of safeguards that will be negotiated between India and the International Atomic Energy Agency. That is one piece of the package that will be looked at, will be ready for the Congress to look at when we ask you to vote again on finalising the deal.
"We'll have a standard bilateral agreement between the United States and India that has the provisions required by law to make sure that there is adequate legal basis for our cooperation. Congress will get a chance to look at that as well, when it comes down to it," he added.
In his prepared remarks to the Committee, Boucher went beyond the civilian nuclear deal to speak of the kind of issues going on between the two countries, including consultations on the Doha Round expressing confidence that the strategic relationship will deepen and grow.
"Beyond the civil nuclear agreement, we're building a even stronger relationship with India in a whole host of areas. We're deepening our security ties. We're expanding our economic and business cooperations. We're working with India in the Doha Development Round negotiations," he said.
South Asia needs effective regulation for liberalisation
Dr. Saman Kelegama
http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2007/04/15/fin02.asp
South Asia needs effective regulation but historically the region is plagued with over regulation. It is particularly important in the services sector as it cannot be inspected prior to consumption, said Executive Director Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) Dr. Saman Kelegama making the introductory remarks at an International Conference in Colombo.
Themed Trade in Services, in South Asia: Opportunities and risks in liberalisation the conference was organised by the IPS and Fredrich Ebert Stiftung.
He said that regulations are important in services such as health and education which have social impacts and telecommunication and finance which have economic impacts. Therefore an effective but un-cumbersome regulatory regime is an essential pre-requisite for liberalisation.
Dr. Kelegama said that the shortage of data is also a significant constraint on effective liberalisation while research is required to identify the scope for collaboration and cooperation within South Asia.
South Asian countries have already liberalised their service sectors to a certain extent through unilateral, multilateral, regional and bilateral initiatives. But the trade in services is not close to the proportion of services to the GDP.
Under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) most South Asian nations other than Bhutan have made commitments. Further commitments are expected under BIMST-EC and CEPA.
Trade in services is also expected to find its way into the SAFTA framework. He said that prior to embarking on negotiations a country should have a strong grasp of its own offensive and defensive interests and this responsibility lies with all stakeholders.
Since factor markets are imperfect liberalisation could result in medium and long term unemployment in certain uncompetitive sectors. Therefore it is necessary to strike a balance between the medium term hazards of increased unemployment and the long term benefits of increased competitiveness.
Trade in Services has largely been an offensive interest of developed nations attempting to break into regulated developing country markets. The status quo is shifting with developing nations harnessing significant offensive interests in services as well.
It is important to identify particular sectors where strong offensive interests exist and identify the direct and indirect benefits these could bring.
When considering domestic liberalisation defensive interests need to be considered along with the benefits of liberalisation. Defensive interests include sectors where livelihoods of the poor are affected, emerging sectors require independence from reliance on foreign supply.
Eleven years after services were included in the multilateral trading system, the WTO's GATS remains an unfinished project due to the absence of data, commercial insecurity and a crippling perception of an unfavourably tilted playing field prevailing in development circles throughout the negotiations.
Minister of Export Development and International Trade Prof. G. L. Peiris who was the chief guest said that Sri Lanka is working towards a Free Trade Agreement with Nepal while the country has signed FTAs with India and Pakistan.
At present Sri Lanka and India are negotiating a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) to facilitate the export of services between the two countries which is an extension of the FTA.
He said that export of services has overtaken the export of goods globally and even in Sri Lanka 57% of earnings are through services.
http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2007/04/15/fin02.asp
South Asia needs effective regulation but historically the region is plagued with over regulation. It is particularly important in the services sector as it cannot be inspected prior to consumption, said Executive Director Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) Dr. Saman Kelegama making the introductory remarks at an International Conference in Colombo.
Themed Trade in Services, in South Asia: Opportunities and risks in liberalisation the conference was organised by the IPS and Fredrich Ebert Stiftung.
He said that regulations are important in services such as health and education which have social impacts and telecommunication and finance which have economic impacts. Therefore an effective but un-cumbersome regulatory regime is an essential pre-requisite for liberalisation.
Dr. Kelegama said that the shortage of data is also a significant constraint on effective liberalisation while research is required to identify the scope for collaboration and cooperation within South Asia.
South Asian countries have already liberalised their service sectors to a certain extent through unilateral, multilateral, regional and bilateral initiatives. But the trade in services is not close to the proportion of services to the GDP.
Under the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) most South Asian nations other than Bhutan have made commitments. Further commitments are expected under BIMST-EC and CEPA.
Trade in services is also expected to find its way into the SAFTA framework. He said that prior to embarking on negotiations a country should have a strong grasp of its own offensive and defensive interests and this responsibility lies with all stakeholders.
Since factor markets are imperfect liberalisation could result in medium and long term unemployment in certain uncompetitive sectors. Therefore it is necessary to strike a balance between the medium term hazards of increased unemployment and the long term benefits of increased competitiveness.
Trade in Services has largely been an offensive interest of developed nations attempting to break into regulated developing country markets. The status quo is shifting with developing nations harnessing significant offensive interests in services as well.
It is important to identify particular sectors where strong offensive interests exist and identify the direct and indirect benefits these could bring.
When considering domestic liberalisation defensive interests need to be considered along with the benefits of liberalisation. Defensive interests include sectors where livelihoods of the poor are affected, emerging sectors require independence from reliance on foreign supply.
Eleven years after services were included in the multilateral trading system, the WTO's GATS remains an unfinished project due to the absence of data, commercial insecurity and a crippling perception of an unfavourably tilted playing field prevailing in development circles throughout the negotiations.
Minister of Export Development and International Trade Prof. G. L. Peiris who was the chief guest said that Sri Lanka is working towards a Free Trade Agreement with Nepal while the country has signed FTAs with India and Pakistan.
At present Sri Lanka and India are negotiating a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) to facilitate the export of services between the two countries which is an extension of the FTA.
He said that export of services has overtaken the export of goods globally and even in Sri Lanka 57% of earnings are through services.
Time For Musharraf To Go!
http://www.countercurrents.org/pak-khalid270307.htm
The Government is eager to portray the hiatus over the reference against the Chief Justice as a purely ‘judicial matter’. It isn’t! Until this regime resigns or is removed, crisis will prolong and fester.
General Musharraf was legitimised in power for the first three years by a court ruling, and for the next five years by a deal with the MMA on which he reneged. With that kind of legitimacy, he feels he is entitled to give the country a new polity. He calls it ‘enlightened moderation’. He is reluctant to explain what it is but its effects are clearly discernible. On the rare occasion that he does say a few words in explanation, he says it means that the Muslims should give up ‘jihad’ and the Americans should help resolve the problems of Palestine, Kashmir, Chechnya etc. He does not mention Iraq, Afghanistan or Somalia where jihad against American occupation is going on in real earnest. But then his role is not to solve the problems of Muslims but to solve America’s ‘Muslim Problem’.
‘Enlightened moderation’ is not just for Pakistan, it is the basis of a new relationship between America and rulers of Muslim states. It has a regional and a Pakistani internal dimension. Regionally, it implies submission to India’s hegemony - advancing India’s interests (through SAARC & SAFTA) and to create conditions that the people submit to Indian hegemony. Internally, the agenda of ‘enlightened moderation’ is to decry Jihad, abandon the Kashmiris and their struggle for liberation, and to revile those who resist occupation as extremists. He openly promotes heretical cults. This regime has extended patronage to those openly ridicule the ‘Two Nation Theory’ and work for the agenda of foreign powers to break up of Pakistan along ethnic lines. To broaden the constituency opposed to the Two-Nation Theory, they have wooed and obtained the support of secular political parties which also support this pro-India agenda.
With all the props for the triumph of ‘enlightened moderation’ regionally in place, the government is trying to sell it to the Middle East, even South East Asia. But in those regions, there is very little enlightenment; they call its proponents traitors and collaborators.
Democracy stands discredited in Pakistan because of the arrogance and misconduct of Benazir and Nawaz Sharif in power. Even in the USA and the UK, where democracy has deep roots, free elections have returned to power leaders who lied to and cheated to wage illegal wars that devastated Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia and now threatening to invade Iran in utter disregard of international law and the will of their constituents. The secular parties – PPP and ANP – are led by persons even more enlightened (more pro-India) and more moderate (more anti-Islam) than Musharraf. Ethnic nationalists are openly anti-state. The Armed Forces of Pakistan are led by a General who openly reviles the polity of Pakistan. Who represents the majority in Pakistan that is neither enlightened (pro-India) nor moderate (anti-Islam)?
Political observers have already noted that the outcry against the suspension of the Chief Justice is as much a concern for the ‘independence of the judiciary’ as a ‘vote of no confidence’ in Musharraf. It has also been noted that unlike the public protests over ‘sugar price’ in 1969 that got transformed into ‘anti-Ayub’ movement, the present ‘judicial crisis’ has not yet given rise to a public movement against this regime. It is because in 1969, there was a popular alternative leader – Zulfikar Ali Bhutto - on the scene. Today the leaders of the national parties are neither ‘less enlightened nor less moderate’ than Musharraf. If the Muslim League and the PPP cannot find any one to lead their parties apart from the stale and discredited leaders they have now, Musharraf may win by default.
But it does not have to be like that. If Musharraf leaves, the PML is more likely to make an alliance with MMA and PML (N) rather than with the MQM and the PPP. That alliance won two third majority in the National Assembly in 1996 Elections and can do so again without any help from the Army or America.
Musharraf administration has many achievements to its credit. It has restored economic health of Pakistan. It has maintained the efficacy of the nuclear and non-nuclear deterrent for security and dealt with insurrection in Balochistan with cool courage. But the rate of growth of the economy is now slowing because of the uncertainty created by Musharraf refusing to leave office gracefully. He did not answer my question: “What would you do different to Ayub and Zia that your legacy would outlive your period in power”? I will give the answer: You will relinquish the office of the COAS now and not encumber the PML with an un-natural alliance with the MQM and/or the PPP. The Armed Forces and the Judiciary are the two institutions where performance and conduct of their members are judged by their peers. After a dumb start, the Chief Justice of Pakistan is being judged by his peers. But Musharraf has resisted the judgment of his peers. They have been telling him privately at first and publicly now that it is time for him to go. That way his legacy, the good name, and public confidence in the armed forces can be saved.
The writer is the Director London Institute of South Asia.
E-Mail:usmankhalid@lisauk.com
( First published in 'The Nation' Lahore on March 26, 2007)
The Government is eager to portray the hiatus over the reference against the Chief Justice as a purely ‘judicial matter’. It isn’t! Until this regime resigns or is removed, crisis will prolong and fester.
General Musharraf was legitimised in power for the first three years by a court ruling, and for the next five years by a deal with the MMA on which he reneged. With that kind of legitimacy, he feels he is entitled to give the country a new polity. He calls it ‘enlightened moderation’. He is reluctant to explain what it is but its effects are clearly discernible. On the rare occasion that he does say a few words in explanation, he says it means that the Muslims should give up ‘jihad’ and the Americans should help resolve the problems of Palestine, Kashmir, Chechnya etc. He does not mention Iraq, Afghanistan or Somalia where jihad against American occupation is going on in real earnest. But then his role is not to solve the problems of Muslims but to solve America’s ‘Muslim Problem’.
‘Enlightened moderation’ is not just for Pakistan, it is the basis of a new relationship between America and rulers of Muslim states. It has a regional and a Pakistani internal dimension. Regionally, it implies submission to India’s hegemony - advancing India’s interests (through SAARC & SAFTA) and to create conditions that the people submit to Indian hegemony. Internally, the agenda of ‘enlightened moderation’ is to decry Jihad, abandon the Kashmiris and their struggle for liberation, and to revile those who resist occupation as extremists. He openly promotes heretical cults. This regime has extended patronage to those openly ridicule the ‘Two Nation Theory’ and work for the agenda of foreign powers to break up of Pakistan along ethnic lines. To broaden the constituency opposed to the Two-Nation Theory, they have wooed and obtained the support of secular political parties which also support this pro-India agenda.
With all the props for the triumph of ‘enlightened moderation’ regionally in place, the government is trying to sell it to the Middle East, even South East Asia. But in those regions, there is very little enlightenment; they call its proponents traitors and collaborators.
Democracy stands discredited in Pakistan because of the arrogance and misconduct of Benazir and Nawaz Sharif in power. Even in the USA and the UK, where democracy has deep roots, free elections have returned to power leaders who lied to and cheated to wage illegal wars that devastated Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia and now threatening to invade Iran in utter disregard of international law and the will of their constituents. The secular parties – PPP and ANP – are led by persons even more enlightened (more pro-India) and more moderate (more anti-Islam) than Musharraf. Ethnic nationalists are openly anti-state. The Armed Forces of Pakistan are led by a General who openly reviles the polity of Pakistan. Who represents the majority in Pakistan that is neither enlightened (pro-India) nor moderate (anti-Islam)?
Political observers have already noted that the outcry against the suspension of the Chief Justice is as much a concern for the ‘independence of the judiciary’ as a ‘vote of no confidence’ in Musharraf. It has also been noted that unlike the public protests over ‘sugar price’ in 1969 that got transformed into ‘anti-Ayub’ movement, the present ‘judicial crisis’ has not yet given rise to a public movement against this regime. It is because in 1969, there was a popular alternative leader – Zulfikar Ali Bhutto - on the scene. Today the leaders of the national parties are neither ‘less enlightened nor less moderate’ than Musharraf. If the Muslim League and the PPP cannot find any one to lead their parties apart from the stale and discredited leaders they have now, Musharraf may win by default.
But it does not have to be like that. If Musharraf leaves, the PML is more likely to make an alliance with MMA and PML (N) rather than with the MQM and the PPP. That alliance won two third majority in the National Assembly in 1996 Elections and can do so again without any help from the Army or America.
Musharraf administration has many achievements to its credit. It has restored economic health of Pakistan. It has maintained the efficacy of the nuclear and non-nuclear deterrent for security and dealt with insurrection in Balochistan with cool courage. But the rate of growth of the economy is now slowing because of the uncertainty created by Musharraf refusing to leave office gracefully. He did not answer my question: “What would you do different to Ayub and Zia that your legacy would outlive your period in power”? I will give the answer: You will relinquish the office of the COAS now and not encumber the PML with an un-natural alliance with the MQM and/or the PPP. The Armed Forces and the Judiciary are the two institutions where performance and conduct of their members are judged by their peers. After a dumb start, the Chief Justice of Pakistan is being judged by his peers. But Musharraf has resisted the judgment of his peers. They have been telling him privately at first and publicly now that it is time for him to go. That way his legacy, the good name, and public confidence in the armed forces can be saved.
The writer is the Director London Institute of South Asia.
E-Mail:usmankhalid@lisauk.com
( First published in 'The Nation' Lahore on March 26, 2007)
Nepal: Cultural whirlwind
http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=179&page=35
By Sandhya Jain
The Western-Christian agenda in Kathmandu is meanwhile becoming increasingly apparent. Buoyed by the success in making Nepal a secular state, thereby improving the climate for conversions under the Christian leadership of the Maoists, the Vatican has moved swiftly to appoint a Bishop for the country. Last month, Pope Benedict XVI not only elevated Nepal from a Prefecture to a Vicariate, he appointed Father Anthony Francis Sharma, 69, as the former Hindu kingdom’s first bishop.
Nepal Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala will go down in modern history as the leader who brought ruination upon his nation. Mr. Koirala has negated a political career spanning
60-year to work out a Neville Chamberlain style of ‘peace’ with the Maoists, bringing them into the government without even the formality of a UN-certified arms surrender.
The Maoists have entered the interim Parliament, and now the government, and it is clear that Mr. Koirala and his colleagues in the Seven-Party Alliance were unequal to the invisible pressures exerted by the forces that paid for the rent-a-crowd mobs that brought down King Gyanendra.
It is now virtually certain that the forthcoming elections to the constituent assembly are unlikely to be free or fair or non-violent. The plains people, Madhesis, are increasingly involved in physical fights with the Maoists, who are still armed and resorting to violence and intimidation. An increasing number of Indian businessmen in Nepal are reporting sorry experiences with the Maoists and returning home in disgust.
This trend is likely to accelerate in coming weeks and months, especially as the Royal Nepal Army has been confined to the barracks under a scandalous (and now violated) agreement whereby the royal government arms were kept under sole UN custody and the token arms surrendered by Maoists kept under joint custody. This gives Maoists the opportunity to retrieve their arms at any point, though it is well known that all arms have not been surrendered. Even UN does not claim a complete surrender.
The western-Christian agenda in Kathmandu is meanwhile becoming increasingly apparent. Buoyed by the success in making Nepal a secular state, thereby improving the climate for conversions under the Christian leadership of the Maoists, the Vatican has moved swiftly to appoint a Bishop for the country. Last month, Pope Benedict XVI not only elevated Nepal from a Prefecture to a Vicariate, he appointed Father Anthony Francis Sharma, 69, as the former Hindu kingdom’s first bishop.
Sharma’s widowed mother converted to Christianity while living in Assam, and got the four year old boy baptized. He will be ordained as Bishop in Kathmandu on May 5 by the Pope’s representative, Papal Nuncio Pedro Lopez Quintana. Nepal is now likely to face intensified evangelical pressures, driven explicitly by the West. Father Sharma has already declared his mission to concentrate upon the conversion of the country’s ethnic communities, a development that is likely to increase internal stress in the Himalayan state as the traditional culture of the people is displaced by west-funded religion and an open assault upon the old way of life.
It is interesting to recall that King Prithvi Narayan Shah had expelled Christian missionaries from his kingdom on the ground that they were spying for the British government. Modern day evangelists too, are likely to play a similarly disruptive role in the country, and the impact of evangelisation upon India ’s security environment will also have to be assessed, especially if the Maoists provide their western-backers with military bases to spy on China and Tibet, not to mention India.
Little wonder that the Maoist entry into government has met with silence from India, where there is growing realisation that Ms. Sonia Gandhi’s domination over the UPA has sacrificed crucial national interests. Yet, it has been welcomed enthusiastically by the international community. Maoist pressure has assured the retention of the highly unpopular Home Minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula.
The Maoists have managed to make spokesman and chief of the parliamentary party Krishna Bahadur Mahara the Information and Communications Minister. The wife of Prachand’s deputy Baburam Bhattarai, Ms. Hisila Yami, has been given the Physical Planning and Infrastructure portfolio. Mr. Khadga Bahadur Bishwakorma has been given charge of women, children and social development; Mr. Dev Gurung has been given Local Development, while Mr. Matrika Prasad Yadav from the Terai has got the Forest and Soil Conservation portfolio.
Maoist ascendancy has already begun to impact upon the cultural environment in Nepal. Fringe groups like homosexuals and lesbians are being encouraged by unknown forces to come out of their privacy and take centre-stage of the country’s socio-cultural landscape. In an open assault of the kingdom’s natural conservatism, the first same-sex marriage has already been held along with a beauty pageant of trans-genders. The country is slated to hold its first ever gay film festival next month, and this will be crowned by a beauty pageant of homosexuals dressed as women.
There can be no doubt that this is part of a larger conspiracy to culturally disarm and demoralise the Nepali people. If the sexual activity of marginal social groups is all that a society has to offer or demand in the name of secularism, the Nepali people would do well to ponder if the loss of the kingdom’s Hindu status is worth it.
If Nepal is to be saved from becoming a cultural wasteland like Thailand (best known for casinos and child prostitution), the Nepali people and non-Maoist political parties would do well to ensure that elections to the constituent assembly are preceded by a fair delimitation of seats, with the Terai getting its legitimate share in proportion to its population. They should also scrutinise the activities of the evangelicals closely, particularly the drastic and often deleterious cultural changes introduced in the lives of communities where missionaries are active. Above all, they should ensure that Maoist terrorising tactics during and prior to the elections are met with fierce resistance. The bells are tolling, not just for the Nepalese monarchy, but also for the Hindu culture and civilisation of the nation.
By Sandhya Jain
The Western-Christian agenda in Kathmandu is meanwhile becoming increasingly apparent. Buoyed by the success in making Nepal a secular state, thereby improving the climate for conversions under the Christian leadership of the Maoists, the Vatican has moved swiftly to appoint a Bishop for the country. Last month, Pope Benedict XVI not only elevated Nepal from a Prefecture to a Vicariate, he appointed Father Anthony Francis Sharma, 69, as the former Hindu kingdom’s first bishop.
Nepal Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala will go down in modern history as the leader who brought ruination upon his nation. Mr. Koirala has negated a political career spanning
60-year to work out a Neville Chamberlain style of ‘peace’ with the Maoists, bringing them into the government without even the formality of a UN-certified arms surrender.
The Maoists have entered the interim Parliament, and now the government, and it is clear that Mr. Koirala and his colleagues in the Seven-Party Alliance were unequal to the invisible pressures exerted by the forces that paid for the rent-a-crowd mobs that brought down King Gyanendra.
It is now virtually certain that the forthcoming elections to the constituent assembly are unlikely to be free or fair or non-violent. The plains people, Madhesis, are increasingly involved in physical fights with the Maoists, who are still armed and resorting to violence and intimidation. An increasing number of Indian businessmen in Nepal are reporting sorry experiences with the Maoists and returning home in disgust.
This trend is likely to accelerate in coming weeks and months, especially as the Royal Nepal Army has been confined to the barracks under a scandalous (and now violated) agreement whereby the royal government arms were kept under sole UN custody and the token arms surrendered by Maoists kept under joint custody. This gives Maoists the opportunity to retrieve their arms at any point, though it is well known that all arms have not been surrendered. Even UN does not claim a complete surrender.
The western-Christian agenda in Kathmandu is meanwhile becoming increasingly apparent. Buoyed by the success in making Nepal a secular state, thereby improving the climate for conversions under the Christian leadership of the Maoists, the Vatican has moved swiftly to appoint a Bishop for the country. Last month, Pope Benedict XVI not only elevated Nepal from a Prefecture to a Vicariate, he appointed Father Anthony Francis Sharma, 69, as the former Hindu kingdom’s first bishop.
Sharma’s widowed mother converted to Christianity while living in Assam, and got the four year old boy baptized. He will be ordained as Bishop in Kathmandu on May 5 by the Pope’s representative, Papal Nuncio Pedro Lopez Quintana. Nepal is now likely to face intensified evangelical pressures, driven explicitly by the West. Father Sharma has already declared his mission to concentrate upon the conversion of the country’s ethnic communities, a development that is likely to increase internal stress in the Himalayan state as the traditional culture of the people is displaced by west-funded religion and an open assault upon the old way of life.
It is interesting to recall that King Prithvi Narayan Shah had expelled Christian missionaries from his kingdom on the ground that they were spying for the British government. Modern day evangelists too, are likely to play a similarly disruptive role in the country, and the impact of evangelisation upon India ’s security environment will also have to be assessed, especially if the Maoists provide their western-backers with military bases to spy on China and Tibet, not to mention India.
Little wonder that the Maoist entry into government has met with silence from India, where there is growing realisation that Ms. Sonia Gandhi’s domination over the UPA has sacrificed crucial national interests. Yet, it has been welcomed enthusiastically by the international community. Maoist pressure has assured the retention of the highly unpopular Home Minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula.
The Maoists have managed to make spokesman and chief of the parliamentary party Krishna Bahadur Mahara the Information and Communications Minister. The wife of Prachand’s deputy Baburam Bhattarai, Ms. Hisila Yami, has been given the Physical Planning and Infrastructure portfolio. Mr. Khadga Bahadur Bishwakorma has been given charge of women, children and social development; Mr. Dev Gurung has been given Local Development, while Mr. Matrika Prasad Yadav from the Terai has got the Forest and Soil Conservation portfolio.
Maoist ascendancy has already begun to impact upon the cultural environment in Nepal. Fringe groups like homosexuals and lesbians are being encouraged by unknown forces to come out of their privacy and take centre-stage of the country’s socio-cultural landscape. In an open assault of the kingdom’s natural conservatism, the first same-sex marriage has already been held along with a beauty pageant of trans-genders. The country is slated to hold its first ever gay film festival next month, and this will be crowned by a beauty pageant of homosexuals dressed as women.
There can be no doubt that this is part of a larger conspiracy to culturally disarm and demoralise the Nepali people. If the sexual activity of marginal social groups is all that a society has to offer or demand in the name of secularism, the Nepali people would do well to ponder if the loss of the kingdom’s Hindu status is worth it.
If Nepal is to be saved from becoming a cultural wasteland like Thailand (best known for casinos and child prostitution), the Nepali people and non-Maoist political parties would do well to ensure that elections to the constituent assembly are preceded by a fair delimitation of seats, with the Terai getting its legitimate share in proportion to its population. They should also scrutinise the activities of the evangelicals closely, particularly the drastic and often deleterious cultural changes introduced in the lives of communities where missionaries are active. Above all, they should ensure that Maoist terrorising tactics during and prior to the elections are met with fierce resistance. The bells are tolling, not just for the Nepalese monarchy, but also for the Hindu culture and civilisation of the nation.
South Asia’s media watchdog begins work
http://www.sundaytimes.lk/070415/News/108.news.html
The South Asia Media Commission (SAMC) which was established in early April will prepare model legislation and guidelines to be adopted and followed by the media for it to be able to attain high professional standards and ensure press freedom. These will be among the objectives of the Commission which was established in New Delhi on April 1.
The other objectives of the Commission will include identifying the laws, rules and regulations that circumvent the right to freedom of opinion and expression in different countries of the region, and keep watch on measures adopted by state and non-state actors to punish the independent media economically or in any other way, including withholding of advertisements, setting up regulatory mechanisms, censorship and other punitive measurers.
The Commission will also periodically monitor violations of media rights and attacks on journalists and media organisations and publish its annual and periodical reports. It will also follow up cases of victimisation of journalists and media organizations and will serve as a voluntarily acknowledged media watchdog to set professional standards and audit media content, formats and presentations.
The Hindu newspaper's Editor-in-Chief N.Ram was appointed for two years as the first SAMC Chairman.
The South Asia Media Commission (SAMC) which was established in early April will prepare model legislation and guidelines to be adopted and followed by the media for it to be able to attain high professional standards and ensure press freedom. These will be among the objectives of the Commission which was established in New Delhi on April 1.
The other objectives of the Commission will include identifying the laws, rules and regulations that circumvent the right to freedom of opinion and expression in different countries of the region, and keep watch on measures adopted by state and non-state actors to punish the independent media economically or in any other way, including withholding of advertisements, setting up regulatory mechanisms, censorship and other punitive measurers.
The Commission will also periodically monitor violations of media rights and attacks on journalists and media organisations and publish its annual and periodical reports. It will also follow up cases of victimisation of journalists and media organizations and will serve as a voluntarily acknowledged media watchdog to set professional standards and audit media content, formats and presentations.
The Hindu newspaper's Editor-in-Chief N.Ram was appointed for two years as the first SAMC Chairman.
South Asia’s media watchdog begins work
http://www.sundaytimes.lk/070415/News/108.news.html
The South Asia Media Commission (SAMC) which was established in early April will prepare model legislation and guidelines to be adopted and followed by the media for it to be able to attain high professional standards and ensure press freedom. These will be among the objectives of the Commission which was established in New Delhi on April 1.
The other objectives of the Commission will include identifying the laws, rules and regulations that circumvent the right to freedom of opinion and expression in different countries of the region, and keep watch on measures adopted by state and non-state actors to punish the independent media economically or in any other way, including withholding of advertisements, setting up regulatory mechanisms, censorship and other punitive measurers.
The Commission will also periodically monitor violations of media rights and attacks on journalists and media organisations and publish its annual and periodical reports. It will also follow up cases of victimisation of journalists and media organizations and will serve as a voluntarily acknowledged media watchdog to set professional standards and audit media content, formats and presentations.
The Hindu newspaper's Editor-in-Chief N.Ram was appointed for two years as the first SAMC Chairman.
The South Asia Media Commission (SAMC) which was established in early April will prepare model legislation and guidelines to be adopted and followed by the media for it to be able to attain high professional standards and ensure press freedom. These will be among the objectives of the Commission which was established in New Delhi on April 1.
The other objectives of the Commission will include identifying the laws, rules and regulations that circumvent the right to freedom of opinion and expression in different countries of the region, and keep watch on measures adopted by state and non-state actors to punish the independent media economically or in any other way, including withholding of advertisements, setting up regulatory mechanisms, censorship and other punitive measurers.
The Commission will also periodically monitor violations of media rights and attacks on journalists and media organisations and publish its annual and periodical reports. It will also follow up cases of victimisation of journalists and media organizations and will serve as a voluntarily acknowledged media watchdog to set professional standards and audit media content, formats and presentations.
The Hindu newspaper's Editor-in-Chief N.Ram was appointed for two years as the first SAMC Chairman.
MEDIA-SOUTH ASIA: Joint-TV Programmes May Yet Build Regional Trust
http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=37351
NEW DELHI, Apr 14 (IPS) - A unique, private media initiative involving joint television programmes may do what political leaders in South Asia have failed to do so far -- bring together the people of this fractious region.
The initiative is being driven by a clutch of seven privately-owned television channels from five countries that will take advantage of pledges made at a summit of the eight-nation South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) in early April.
Of the seven television channels, three are based in India while one each is from Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal. In addition to these five countries, SAARC includes Bhutan, the Maldives and new entrant Afghanistan, providing a potential viewership of 1.5 billion people.
While in a few of these eight countries, the media is relatively underdeveloped and controlled by those in positions of power and authority, in most SAARC nations, the media is vibrant, fiercely independent and free of government influence. The latter group of countries would include those that have come together to launch the ‘Southasian' television initiative.
Kanak Mani Dixit, senior journalist based in Nepal's capital Kathmandu and editor of ‘Himal', an English language monthly magazine, says he was the first to use ‘Southasian' as a single word and insists that this manner of designating one of the most populous parts of the world goes beyond mere symbolism. "What was attempted not very successfully by the print medium in these countries will now hopefully be a success as far as television is concerned," he said.
The partners of the new broadcasting initiative are Channel I based in Dhaka, Bangladesh, Image TV from Nepal, Aaj/Geo TV from Pakistan, Maharaja TV from Sri Lanka and three broadcasters from India: New Delhi Television (NDTV), India TV and Tara Newz based in Kolkata.
Rathikant Basu, Chairman, Broadcast Worldwide, that owns the Tara group of channels, who started this initiative with a meeting in December 2006, says the new programme would aim at "rediscovering and reinforcing a South Asian identity based on shared history, civilization and culture, to work towards a common future".
More than two decades ago, after a SAARC summit meeting, the governments of seven countries (excluding Afghanistan that was not a member) had started a scheme that was called ‘SAVE' or the SAARC Audio Visual Exchange involving state-owned television and radio broadcasters. The scheme failed to take off. Basu, who was then associated with India's public broadcaster, Doordarshan, recalls that programmes under SAVE were irregular, erratic and failed to make much of an impression on viewers.
The new initiative involving private broadcasters would be very different, he believes. A half-hour programme is already on air and is being simultaneously broadcast every Sunday evening by all the partner channels. The duration of the programme, anchored by a woman from Bangladesh, Rubana, would be increased and Basu said he hoped broadcasters from other countries would participate in the initiative.
While the new TV programme would promote liberalism, a scientific temperament, education, sports, health, heritage and cultural diversity, it would oppose divisive forces, superstition, fundamentalism, discrimination and violence especially against women and children, environmental pollution, cruelty to animal, cultural hegemony and communalism.
‘Southasian' TV programmes would "take special care whenever dealing with matters of controversy to assure that a plurality of viewpoints are acknowledged and are fairly and adequately represented." In addition, there would be "full disclosure of the interests of all stakeholders", a media release by the group of television channels stated. Basu said there would be no copyright on the programme and other channels would be free to show it.
"If South Asian integration is to be meaningful and if the much talked-about ‘trust deficit' reduced, there should be a considerable amount of self-criticism among the stakeholders," says Jawed Naqvi, a New Delhi based journalist who has been writing regularly for ‘Dawn' newspaper, the Pakistani daily based out of Karachi, for the last seven years. He told IPS that there were forms of ‘embedded journalism' in India and Pakistan when it came to reporting on foreign policy.
Naqvi said what Indian journalists described as Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir was called ‘Azad' (or ‘independent') Kashmir by the media in Pakistan. Similarly, the northern-most state in India, Jammu & Kashmir, was invariably described as India-Occupied Kashmir by Pakistani journalists. "It is time we used less combative phrases like India-administered Kashmir or Pakistan-administered Kashmir, terms used by the United Nations," he adds.
Despite such stereotyping, Naqvi acknowledges the independence of sections of the media in both countries. "I believe the paper I write for, ‘Dawn', is the most liberal newspaper in South Asia that has squarely taken on the Pakistani establishment," says he.
The long-standing dispute over Kashmir between India and Pakistan, the two largest countries of SAARC, is often cited as the reason for the many failures of the grouping. For instance, while the South Asia Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) came into effect in 2006, differences between India and Pakistan have hindered the actual implementation of a regional free-trade system.
While SAARC countries are now committed to lower their tariffs to below five percent by 2015, Pakistani Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz said enhanced trade relations between the two countries would depend on a resolution of the Kashmir dispute.
At the launch of the ‘Southasian' TV programme, dancer and social activist from Bangladesh, Lubna Mariam, recalled her personal experiences travelling around the subcontinent and her realisation that the peoples of the region were not merely culturally close but also that they share the same kinds of problems.
Shaheed Nadeem of Aaj TV in Pakistan said electronic media had a tremendous impact on viewers in the region and television broadcasters should "use this power to unite people and not divide them".
Despite the slow progress of SAARC, which was founded in 1985, the growing importance of the region was underlined by the fact that the April summit was attended for the first time by Japan, China, South Korea, the United States and the European Union as observers with Iran eager to follow suit. (END/2007)
NEW DELHI, Apr 14 (IPS) - A unique, private media initiative involving joint television programmes may do what political leaders in South Asia have failed to do so far -- bring together the people of this fractious region.
The initiative is being driven by a clutch of seven privately-owned television channels from five countries that will take advantage of pledges made at a summit of the eight-nation South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) in early April.
Of the seven television channels, three are based in India while one each is from Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal. In addition to these five countries, SAARC includes Bhutan, the Maldives and new entrant Afghanistan, providing a potential viewership of 1.5 billion people.
While in a few of these eight countries, the media is relatively underdeveloped and controlled by those in positions of power and authority, in most SAARC nations, the media is vibrant, fiercely independent and free of government influence. The latter group of countries would include those that have come together to launch the ‘Southasian' television initiative.
Kanak Mani Dixit, senior journalist based in Nepal's capital Kathmandu and editor of ‘Himal', an English language monthly magazine, says he was the first to use ‘Southasian' as a single word and insists that this manner of designating one of the most populous parts of the world goes beyond mere symbolism. "What was attempted not very successfully by the print medium in these countries will now hopefully be a success as far as television is concerned," he said.
The partners of the new broadcasting initiative are Channel I based in Dhaka, Bangladesh, Image TV from Nepal, Aaj/Geo TV from Pakistan, Maharaja TV from Sri Lanka and three broadcasters from India: New Delhi Television (NDTV), India TV and Tara Newz based in Kolkata.
Rathikant Basu, Chairman, Broadcast Worldwide, that owns the Tara group of channels, who started this initiative with a meeting in December 2006, says the new programme would aim at "rediscovering and reinforcing a South Asian identity based on shared history, civilization and culture, to work towards a common future".
More than two decades ago, after a SAARC summit meeting, the governments of seven countries (excluding Afghanistan that was not a member) had started a scheme that was called ‘SAVE' or the SAARC Audio Visual Exchange involving state-owned television and radio broadcasters. The scheme failed to take off. Basu, who was then associated with India's public broadcaster, Doordarshan, recalls that programmes under SAVE were irregular, erratic and failed to make much of an impression on viewers.
The new initiative involving private broadcasters would be very different, he believes. A half-hour programme is already on air and is being simultaneously broadcast every Sunday evening by all the partner channels. The duration of the programme, anchored by a woman from Bangladesh, Rubana, would be increased and Basu said he hoped broadcasters from other countries would participate in the initiative.
While the new TV programme would promote liberalism, a scientific temperament, education, sports, health, heritage and cultural diversity, it would oppose divisive forces, superstition, fundamentalism, discrimination and violence especially against women and children, environmental pollution, cruelty to animal, cultural hegemony and communalism.
‘Southasian' TV programmes would "take special care whenever dealing with matters of controversy to assure that a plurality of viewpoints are acknowledged and are fairly and adequately represented." In addition, there would be "full disclosure of the interests of all stakeholders", a media release by the group of television channels stated. Basu said there would be no copyright on the programme and other channels would be free to show it.
"If South Asian integration is to be meaningful and if the much talked-about ‘trust deficit' reduced, there should be a considerable amount of self-criticism among the stakeholders," says Jawed Naqvi, a New Delhi based journalist who has been writing regularly for ‘Dawn' newspaper, the Pakistani daily based out of Karachi, for the last seven years. He told IPS that there were forms of ‘embedded journalism' in India and Pakistan when it came to reporting on foreign policy.
Naqvi said what Indian journalists described as Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir was called ‘Azad' (or ‘independent') Kashmir by the media in Pakistan. Similarly, the northern-most state in India, Jammu & Kashmir, was invariably described as India-Occupied Kashmir by Pakistani journalists. "It is time we used less combative phrases like India-administered Kashmir or Pakistan-administered Kashmir, terms used by the United Nations," he adds.
Despite such stereotyping, Naqvi acknowledges the independence of sections of the media in both countries. "I believe the paper I write for, ‘Dawn', is the most liberal newspaper in South Asia that has squarely taken on the Pakistani establishment," says he.
The long-standing dispute over Kashmir between India and Pakistan, the two largest countries of SAARC, is often cited as the reason for the many failures of the grouping. For instance, while the South Asia Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) came into effect in 2006, differences between India and Pakistan have hindered the actual implementation of a regional free-trade system.
While SAARC countries are now committed to lower their tariffs to below five percent by 2015, Pakistani Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz said enhanced trade relations between the two countries would depend on a resolution of the Kashmir dispute.
At the launch of the ‘Southasian' TV programme, dancer and social activist from Bangladesh, Lubna Mariam, recalled her personal experiences travelling around the subcontinent and her realisation that the peoples of the region were not merely culturally close but also that they share the same kinds of problems.
Shaheed Nadeem of Aaj TV in Pakistan said electronic media had a tremendous impact on viewers in the region and television broadcasters should "use this power to unite people and not divide them".
Despite the slow progress of SAARC, which was founded in 1985, the growing importance of the region was underlined by the fact that the April summit was attended for the first time by Japan, China, South Korea, the United States and the European Union as observers with Iran eager to follow suit. (END/2007)
SOUTH ASIA: PAKISTAN EYES LARGER SHARE OF TRADE
http://www.adnki.com/index_2Level_English.php?cat=Politics&loid=8.0.404480844&par=0
Islamabad, 13 April (AKI) - (Syed Saleem Shahzad) - Pakistan is making an active bid to carve out a greater share of regional trade and prevent its arch-rival India from competing with it in southwest and central Asian markets. A delay in completing the Indian built Zaranj-Delaram highway in Afghanistan has boosted Pakistan's chances of success, by giving it crucial extra time to build up its infrastructure and penetrate the region's markets, well before India connects to central Asia via Iran. Afghanistan, is a key trade conduit and a new member of the South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).
Had the Zaranj-Delaram highway linking northern Afghanistan to Iran's ports been completed on schedule in 2006, India would have gained easy and direct access to Afghanistan and the whole of central Asia, dealing a severe blow to Pakistan’s trade strategy. This revolves around its 300 million dollar Gwadar deep sea water port, inaugurated last month and envisaged by Pakistan as the regional hub for trade and commerce in southwest and central Asia.
The Zaranj-Delaram highway project is now likely to be completed by December 2008, giving Pakistan crucial additional time to set up a transit trade mechanism with neighbouring countries especially China, Afghanistan and Central Asian states that would make Gwadar port an attractive proposition for regional markets.
To increase the freight facilities in the country, the prime minister Shaukat Aziz has initiated the National Trade Corridor Improvement Programme (NTCIP). This includes the introduction of freight trains and new trucks in the private sector and reconstruction of highways.
Aziz has also ordered an overhaul of the entire structure of the trucking system and a policy paper on country's road freight industry. He has signalled the country needs to transport more goods by rail.
Vast potential for increasing the volume of trade between the Central Asian States, Afghanistan and Pakistan exists in many sectors. And once Gawadar port is fully operational, experts predict it will open a major new trading window with China. The distance from the commercial centre of Kashgar in northwestern China to Chinese east coast ports is 3,500 km, whereas the distance from Kashgar to Gawadar is only 1,500 km.
Gawadar offers cost benefits to western China's imports and exports - also being eyed by Pakistan's growing freight industry. Poor roads and vehicles and a lack of rail cargo capacity are however the main obstacles to the smooth operation of the transit trade.
To replace the ageing trucks on Pakistan's roads, the government has also decided to allow the import of used articulated vehicles that are no more than five years old.
The government has also initiated a progamme to improve road facilities and has allocated 5.8 million dollars for the modernisation, repair and construction of Pakistan's ports, rail and roads sectors. It has also moved to build new warehousing facilities and overhaul existing customs, insurance and banking systems.
(Aki/Syed Saleem Shahzad)
Islamabad, 13 April (AKI) - (Syed Saleem Shahzad) - Pakistan is making an active bid to carve out a greater share of regional trade and prevent its arch-rival India from competing with it in southwest and central Asian markets. A delay in completing the Indian built Zaranj-Delaram highway in Afghanistan has boosted Pakistan's chances of success, by giving it crucial extra time to build up its infrastructure and penetrate the region's markets, well before India connects to central Asia via Iran. Afghanistan, is a key trade conduit and a new member of the South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).
Had the Zaranj-Delaram highway linking northern Afghanistan to Iran's ports been completed on schedule in 2006, India would have gained easy and direct access to Afghanistan and the whole of central Asia, dealing a severe blow to Pakistan’s trade strategy. This revolves around its 300 million dollar Gwadar deep sea water port, inaugurated last month and envisaged by Pakistan as the regional hub for trade and commerce in southwest and central Asia.
The Zaranj-Delaram highway project is now likely to be completed by December 2008, giving Pakistan crucial additional time to set up a transit trade mechanism with neighbouring countries especially China, Afghanistan and Central Asian states that would make Gwadar port an attractive proposition for regional markets.
To increase the freight facilities in the country, the prime minister Shaukat Aziz has initiated the National Trade Corridor Improvement Programme (NTCIP). This includes the introduction of freight trains and new trucks in the private sector and reconstruction of highways.
Aziz has also ordered an overhaul of the entire structure of the trucking system and a policy paper on country's road freight industry. He has signalled the country needs to transport more goods by rail.
Vast potential for increasing the volume of trade between the Central Asian States, Afghanistan and Pakistan exists in many sectors. And once Gawadar port is fully operational, experts predict it will open a major new trading window with China. The distance from the commercial centre of Kashgar in northwestern China to Chinese east coast ports is 3,500 km, whereas the distance from Kashgar to Gawadar is only 1,500 km.
Gawadar offers cost benefits to western China's imports and exports - also being eyed by Pakistan's growing freight industry. Poor roads and vehicles and a lack of rail cargo capacity are however the main obstacles to the smooth operation of the transit trade.
To replace the ageing trucks on Pakistan's roads, the government has also decided to allow the import of used articulated vehicles that are no more than five years old.
The government has also initiated a progamme to improve road facilities and has allocated 5.8 million dollars for the modernisation, repair and construction of Pakistan's ports, rail and roads sectors. It has also moved to build new warehousing facilities and overhaul existing customs, insurance and banking systems.
(Aki/Syed Saleem Shahzad)
SAARC turns down Chinese money
http://www.dnaindia.com/report.asp?NewsID=1090245
Seema Guha
Wednesday, April 11, 2007 21:30 IST
NEW DELHI: China’s entry into SAARC, where India is the big player, is an indication of the future balance of power in Asia. The two largest nations in the continent are natural rivals but for the moment it suits both sides to emphasise the need to work together.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has always shrugged off suggestions of rivalry with China, stressing instead the huge opportunities there are for cooperation between the two Asian giants. The fact that India has finally agreed to have China as observer and China accommodating India in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is the way the two nations will work in Asia and other part of the world.
China’s wish to be part of SAARC fits in well with Beijing’s ambitions to make its presence felt worldwide. Beijing was keen to be part of the South Asia bloc, despite having excellent relations with several member states like Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal. China’s case for observer status was pushed by both Nepal and Bangladesh. Pakistan is a close ally and Beijing has had traditional ties with Colombo. In fact, it was India which held back for a while because China had done the same about New Delhi’s entry as observer to the Shanghai Cooperation grouping.
Finally, India gave in as China made way for India for the Shanghai grouping.
Analyst Yangdon Wong sees this as a first step in the “balance” of power in Asia between the two largest countries in the continent. He says China wants to play a constructive role in South Asia, but it wants to assure New Delhi that it is in no way trying to upstage India’s rightful role in its backyard. Conscious of India’s latent wariness of Chinese intentions, China’s foreign minister Li Zhaoxing, who attended the SAARC summit, sent out a reassuring signal.
“The Chinese government follows a foreign policy of building friendships and partnerships with its neighbours. A peaceful, stable and prosperous South Asia and a SAARC of unity, cooperation and progress are in the interests of all countries in the region and of China.’’ He went on to add, “As the biggest neighbour of South Asia, China hopes that all South Asian countries will live in harmony and pursue common development… SAARC must play a bigger role in regional and world affairs.’’
“South Asia’s international standing is rising and it is full of vigour and vitality,’’ China’s foreign minister Li said during his address at the opening ceremony. He was obviously referring to Asia’s growing economic clout and the fact that the world regards Asia with much greater respect today. Li made some generous offers to SAARC member countries. Beijing wants to cooperate in infrastructure building and in the energy sector. China has been scouring the world for oil, from Africa to South America, Chinese leaders have been travelling to ensure steady supply of oil.
Chinese enterprises are keen to invest in SAARC member states. China can help Bangladesh, Nepal or Sri Lanka bilaterally, but Beijing now believes it is more diplomatic to work with South Asian states through SAARC. It does not want India’s hackles up. Beijing was keen to give a substantial amount of money for the SAARC Development Fund, but India turned down the offer, saying it was too early for donations. There was enough money in the kitty for now.
Seema Guha
Wednesday, April 11, 2007 21:30 IST
NEW DELHI: China’s entry into SAARC, where India is the big player, is an indication of the future balance of power in Asia. The two largest nations in the continent are natural rivals but for the moment it suits both sides to emphasise the need to work together.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has always shrugged off suggestions of rivalry with China, stressing instead the huge opportunities there are for cooperation between the two Asian giants. The fact that India has finally agreed to have China as observer and China accommodating India in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is the way the two nations will work in Asia and other part of the world.
China’s wish to be part of SAARC fits in well with Beijing’s ambitions to make its presence felt worldwide. Beijing was keen to be part of the South Asia bloc, despite having excellent relations with several member states like Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal. China’s case for observer status was pushed by both Nepal and Bangladesh. Pakistan is a close ally and Beijing has had traditional ties with Colombo. In fact, it was India which held back for a while because China had done the same about New Delhi’s entry as observer to the Shanghai Cooperation grouping.
Finally, India gave in as China made way for India for the Shanghai grouping.
Analyst Yangdon Wong sees this as a first step in the “balance” of power in Asia between the two largest countries in the continent. He says China wants to play a constructive role in South Asia, but it wants to assure New Delhi that it is in no way trying to upstage India’s rightful role in its backyard. Conscious of India’s latent wariness of Chinese intentions, China’s foreign minister Li Zhaoxing, who attended the SAARC summit, sent out a reassuring signal.
“The Chinese government follows a foreign policy of building friendships and partnerships with its neighbours. A peaceful, stable and prosperous South Asia and a SAARC of unity, cooperation and progress are in the interests of all countries in the region and of China.’’ He went on to add, “As the biggest neighbour of South Asia, China hopes that all South Asian countries will live in harmony and pursue common development… SAARC must play a bigger role in regional and world affairs.’’
“South Asia’s international standing is rising and it is full of vigour and vitality,’’ China’s foreign minister Li said during his address at the opening ceremony. He was obviously referring to Asia’s growing economic clout and the fact that the world regards Asia with much greater respect today. Li made some generous offers to SAARC member countries. Beijing wants to cooperate in infrastructure building and in the energy sector. China has been scouring the world for oil, from Africa to South America, Chinese leaders have been travelling to ensure steady supply of oil.
Chinese enterprises are keen to invest in SAARC member states. China can help Bangladesh, Nepal or Sri Lanka bilaterally, but Beijing now believes it is more diplomatic to work with South Asian states through SAARC. It does not want India’s hackles up. Beijing was keen to give a substantial amount of money for the SAARC Development Fund, but India turned down the offer, saying it was too early for donations. There was enough money in the kitty for now.
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